Apartheid
Apartheid
Apartheid
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158<br />
relatively unnatural ones by the elites, as we shall see presently.) That is why violence is the<br />
only theme of apartheid that is talked about as a gross human rights violation at all by so<br />
many members of the oppressive minority, its allies, and its descendants.<br />
The other themes are subtly and cleverly repressed, unless of course there is dehumanizing<br />
content in the thought of the resistance with regard to the oppressors, in which<br />
case the victims of apartheid are again accused, somewhat perversely, but still very cleverly,<br />
of ethnicism and racism. For example, a Macedonian during the second century BCE<br />
complained in a letter to the authorities that an Egyptian employee had mistreated him at<br />
Alexandria’s Serapeum, the greatest temple at the time, dedicated to a god that had been<br />
created as a syncretism of Egyptian and Greek gods. The reason behind the mistreatment,<br />
according to the Macedonian, whose name was Ptolemy (though he may not have been related<br />
to the royal family), was that he was Greek. The letter of complaint was addressed to<br />
Dionysios, the Greek strategos, the powerful military administrator of the region. In any case,<br />
says one present-day commentator, Ptolemy would certainly not have mentioned the reason<br />
unless he was sure that it would have an effect on Dionysios. 302<br />
Although the violent crimes committed by the invaders are both fundamentally and<br />
ultimately unprovoked as well as overwhelming with regard to numbers – numbers of both<br />
crimes and victims – effective propaganda, made possible to a large extent by wealth<br />
exploited and stolen from apartheid victims, can thus rally world opinion, or at least elite<br />
world opinion, around the cause of the invaders. This is what is happening today with regard<br />
to Israel and many of its supporters, who have been very successful in relating Palestinian<br />
thought to Nazi thought and Nazi misdeeds, i.e. in confusing victimized with victimizing<br />
thought, although they are in reality essentially opposites of one another. 303<br />
Unfortunately, due to the shortage of time and funds made available by the initial<br />
conditions and political pressures leading up to the South African TRC’s formation, it was not<br />
given a chance to investigate such aspects of apartheid comprehensively. There was also<br />
widespread, systematic shredding of potentially incriminating documents by security forces<br />
personnel and others during the years of negotiations leading up to the first democratic<br />
elections in 1994. If that had not happened, we might very well have been in a better position<br />
not only to prosecute apartheid crimes in South Africa, but also to improve the country under<br />
post-apartheid conditions, and additionally maybe even to understand and counteract Israeli<br />
oppression of Palestinians in a more effective way, and thus to save lives. 304<br />
Truth and Reconciliation Commissions<br />
The Ugandan military ruler, Idi Amin, was behind the very first TRC in 1974. He had<br />
been moved to set it up because of pressures from abroad and from human rights groups<br />
within Uganda. Upon completion of the final report, however, Amin would not let it be<br />
published nor bring about any of its recommendations.<br />
Since then, TRCs have been a great deal more successful. The Chilean Truth<br />
Commission’s report became, among other things, the foundation for the Spanish judge<br />
Balthasar Garzon’s arrest warrant and the subsequent detention of General Augusto Pinochet<br />
in Britain in 1998. The former military dictator and subsequent ‘Senator for Life’, was<br />
eventually released from Britain and returned to Chile, and although he has not yet been<br />
charged, Pinochet has now lost his grip on power in Chile. He was inconvenienced and<br />
publicly defamed by the incident, abroad as well as at home. Indeed, it seems as if the only<br />
thing that has saved him from prosecution in Chile so far is his lawyers’ claim that Pinochet is<br />
302 Huß 2001: 589f<br />
303 Said: Low Point of Powerlessness, 2002. See also Chapter II.9.3.<br />
304 The Truth and Reconciliation Commission Final Report, 1998: Volume 1, Chapter 8, The Destruction of<br />
Records, 1998; Harris: “They Should Have Destroyed More”: The Destruction of Public Records by the South<br />
African State in the Final Years of <strong>Apartheid</strong>, 1990-1994, 1999.