Apartheid
Apartheid Apartheid
144 unemployment rate, up to sixty per cent in Gaza at the time of writing. They in their turn have also suffered in their childhoods, as boys, especially in the hard-hit families. Non-Palestinian (‘non-Arab’) Israeli men suffer the least direct effects of this war, but even they are victimized, for instance as objectified and instrumentalized immigrants. And like everybody else involved they become enveloped by a poisoned atmosphere of hate and objectified personal relationships that contributes enormously both to this war and to the conventional war. This applies especially to the settlers and the soldiers, some of whom are little more than pawns in the game of the elite Zionists. But the first and most affected victims of this war are women, who are also reduced to servants of the state and servants of the ethnicity. Their wombs, the very essence of their female identities, have become instruments. They have become weapons. The demographic war has been described as a ‘Battle of the Wombs’. 274 It is, however, more than just a battle – it has been going on for many decades already. In Egypt and South Africa it went on for centuries. It is a war. The demographic war is basically a sexist and an ethnicist war. Are the Palestinians ethnicist in this war? Yes, there is ethnicism among some Palestinian men and women against Jews. There is ethnicism in every society that size, and smaller. But the Palestinian ethnicism is not organized, certainly not as organized as the Jewish ethnicism, which is exemplified not only in the ethnicist laws, but mainly in the Israeli occupation, expulsion, immigration, and settlement policies and practices. The Palestinian ethnicism against Jews is a deeply provoked ethnicism, very much like ethnicism against Whites among Blacks (so-called ‘reverse racism’) on either side of the Atlantic Ocean. But although it may be more or less understandable, ethnicism is in essence unforgivable, even among Palestinians and Blacks. Palestinian ethnicism against Jews as a whole is also less conscious than the Jewish ethnicism against Palestinians, and more broadly, against Arabs. But there is unconscious ethnicism on both sides, and although this fact may sometimes make it more understandable, it still remains a crime against humanity. The fourth presently unique fact, the high Palestinian birth rate, is often brought up in the intra-Jewish debate, where it is usually referred to as the ‘demographic threat’ 275 , or, even more dehumanizing against Palestinians: the ‘demographic bomb’ 276 . This means that, despite the fact that the majority of Palestinians have been turned into refugees by the creation and subsequent territorial expansion of the de facto state of Israel, a much faster growth of the remaining Palestinian population than the Jewish one is likely to re-establish a Palestinian majority on the territory of Historic Palestine within a few years’ time. Due to this context, the mere existence of Palestinians is perceived as an actual ‘threat’ by believers in the Jewish state. There could not be a stronger negation of being ‘innocent until proven guilty’. Palestinians are pronounced guilty as soon as they are born, or even before they are born. Newborn Palestinian babies are considered as ‘threats’ and ‘bombs’. But the predominance of this perception is seldom admitted in the international, Jewish-Israeli-dominated, discourse. 277 The actual death toll for Palestinian women goes well beyond the reported violence. The true statistics of Palestinian women killed in the wider Israeli-Palestinian conflict since September 2000 is not known and will not be known by anybody, because so-called ‘honor killings’ – killings of women who refuse to enter arranged marriages, or who somehow have disappointed their husbands, fiancées, fathers or brothers in other ways, supposedly in order to protect the ‘honor’ of the murdered woman’s family – are sometimes not even registered as killings with the PNA. In countless death certificates the cause of death is registered as ‘unknown’, although the cause is actually known, even by the authorities. Perpetrators of such 274 Foa: Letter from Israel: Battle of the Wombs, 2002 275 Ashrawi: World Should Intervene to End the Israeli Apartheid, 2001 276 Abu Nimah: Defusing Israel’s “Demographic Bomb”, 2005 277 HaCohen: Looking Behind Ha’aretz’s Liberal Image, 2002; Tamari: Demographic Nationalism: False Assumptions and Inevitable Truths, 2005. See also footnote 267, above, and Chapter II.9.3, below.
145 murders are thus often given full impunity. In some such cases, women or girls who have been raped by a male relative are then murdered by the same or another member of the family in order to ‘protect’ that family’s ‘honor’. In most cases of ‘honor killings’, the people who carry out the murders are relatives of the victims. And usually, the murders are related to young women’s sexuality, for instance failure to bleed on the wedding night, for being considered ugly and unfit for any man to marry. But sometimes middle-aged women are also targeted, and, often, sexuality is not really involved at all, except in the imaginations of the perpetrators. Girls can get killed for just chatting to male acquaintances without a male guardian present, or for smoking in public. 278 Thus, Palestinian women are mostly killed by Palestinians. Yet, if we look into this matter we will find that the Israeli political, military, and even business elites do not mind at all that these women are being killed, and that these Israeli elites could do much more to stop the killings by removing some of their root causes, for which the Israeli elites must be held partly responsible. Beyond the bloody death toll, many Palestinian women generally lose lives worth living. They do so mainly by lacking options, by lacking control over their own lives, by being expected to serve their ethnic community or nation in ways that severely preclude selfrealization. Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian, a Palestinian activist against ‘honor’ killings, or ‘femicide’ as she prefers to call it, remarked on Palestinian TV about a 17-year-old girl who had been gang-raped: ‘What are this girl’s choices? She can marry the rapist or some 65-yearold man who will remove her shame or she can be imprisoned all the rest of her life in the house or she can be killed. Ya bitmout, ya bitmout, ya bitmout – either she dies or she dies or she dies.’ 279 Israeli women are much better off than their Palestinian counterparts in this regard. They are also encouraged, expected, and pressured to give birth, but at a much higher average age than Palestinian women are, for example with the aid of entirely state-subsidized fertilization treatment. Whereas Palestinian women are generally expected to get married and have children already in their teens, Israeli Jewish women are typically allowed to live their own lives, to educate themselves and embark on professional careers, until those pressures start making themselves felt when the women are already into their thirties. Moreover, unwed or single Israeli mothers are not stigmatized as are their Palestinian counterparts. Finally, twothirds of the global Jewish population can still be persuaded, enticed, or pressured to become Israeli citizens. Thus, Israeli women are treated with silk gloves compared to Palestinian women, and even compared to white women in South Africa until recently, who, as we shall see in the next section, were pressured by their apartheid state in similar, though much more primitive ways. In the vast literature that I have so far surveyed on parallels between apartheid South Africa and Israel/Palestine since 1948 I have never come across a parallel drawn between the black South African ‘witch’-burnings and the Palestinian ‘honor’ killings. Nor have I seen any connections made between either of these practices in modern apartheid societies with female genital mutilation in Graeco-Roman Egypt. But I think the parallels are more than a coincidence. The three phenomena are correlated. In struggles where demographics are as important as they are (or were) in these three conflicts, there is obviously a perceived need among the powerful within the resistance movements as well as those in the oppressive ethnic 278 Shalhoub-Kevorkian: Femicide and the Palestinian Criminal Justice System: Seeds of Change in the Context of State Building? 2002: 577ff; Macintyre: Hamas Admits Its Gunmen Shot Betrothed Woman in ‘Honour Killing’, 2005; Al Haroub: The Murder of a Girl Due to Moral Reasons, 2005. See also N.N.: Honor Killing: Killing of Women on the Basis of Family Honor, Aug 2002; N.N.: Case Study: “Honour” Killings and Blood Feuds, no date; Sarhaddi Nelson: Mother Kills Raped Daughter to Restore ‘Honor’, 2003. 279 Quoted in Armstrong: Honour’s Victims, 2000. A few days after this TV appearance, Shalhoub-Kevorkian was attacked by unknown men who were armed with wooden sticks equipped with iron nails. She survived the attack and continues to campaign against femicide.
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144<br />
unemployment rate, up to sixty per cent in Gaza at the time of writing. They in their turn have<br />
also suffered in their childhoods, as boys, especially in the hard-hit families.<br />
Non-Palestinian (‘non-Arab’) Israeli men suffer the least direct effects of this war, but<br />
even they are victimized, for instance as objectified and instrumentalized immigrants. And<br />
like everybody else involved they become enveloped by a poisoned atmosphere of hate and<br />
objectified personal relationships that contributes enormously both to this war and to the<br />
conventional war. This applies especially to the settlers and the soldiers, some of whom are<br />
little more than pawns in the game of the elite Zionists.<br />
But the first and most affected victims of this war are women, who are also reduced to<br />
servants of the state and servants of the ethnicity. Their wombs, the very essence of their<br />
female identities, have become instruments. They have become weapons. The demographic<br />
war has been described as a ‘Battle of the Wombs’. 274 It is, however, more than just a battle –<br />
it has been going on for many decades already. In Egypt and South Africa it went on for<br />
centuries. It is a war.<br />
The demographic war is basically a sexist and an ethnicist war. Are the Palestinians<br />
ethnicist in this war? Yes, there is ethnicism among some Palestinian men and women against<br />
Jews. There is ethnicism in every society that size, and smaller. But the Palestinian ethnicism<br />
is not organized, certainly not as organized as the Jewish ethnicism, which is exemplified not<br />
only in the ethnicist laws, but mainly in the Israeli occupation, expulsion, immigration, and<br />
settlement policies and practices. The Palestinian ethnicism against Jews is a deeply provoked<br />
ethnicism, very much like ethnicism against Whites among Blacks (so-called ‘reverse<br />
racism’) on either side of the Atlantic Ocean. But although it may be more or less<br />
understandable, ethnicism is in essence unforgivable, even among Palestinians and Blacks.<br />
Palestinian ethnicism against Jews as a whole is also less conscious than the Jewish ethnicism<br />
against Palestinians, and more broadly, against Arabs. But there is unconscious ethnicism on<br />
both sides, and although this fact may sometimes make it more understandable, it still remains<br />
a crime against humanity.<br />
The fourth presently unique fact, the high Palestinian birth rate, is often brought up in<br />
the intra-Jewish debate, where it is usually referred to as the ‘demographic threat’ 275 , or, even<br />
more dehumanizing against Palestinians: the ‘demographic bomb’ 276 . This means that, despite<br />
the fact that the majority of Palestinians have been turned into refugees by the creation and<br />
subsequent territorial expansion of the de facto state of Israel, a much faster growth of the<br />
remaining Palestinian population than the Jewish one is likely to re-establish a Palestinian<br />
majority on the territory of Historic Palestine within a few years’ time. Due to this context, the<br />
mere existence of Palestinians is perceived as an actual ‘threat’ by believers in the Jewish<br />
state. There could not be a stronger negation of being ‘innocent until proven guilty’.<br />
Palestinians are pronounced guilty as soon as they are born, or even before they are born.<br />
Newborn Palestinian babies are considered as ‘threats’ and ‘bombs’. But the predominance of<br />
this perception is seldom admitted in the international, Jewish-Israeli-dominated, discourse. 277<br />
The actual death toll for Palestinian women goes well beyond the reported violence.<br />
The true statistics of Palestinian women killed in the wider Israeli-Palestinian conflict since<br />
September 2000 is not known and will not be known by anybody, because so-called ‘honor<br />
killings’ – killings of women who refuse to enter arranged marriages, or who somehow have<br />
disappointed their husbands, fiancées, fathers or brothers in other ways, supposedly in order to<br />
protect the ‘honor’ of the murdered woman’s family – are sometimes not even registered as<br />
killings with the PNA. In countless death certificates the cause of death is registered as<br />
‘unknown’, although the cause is actually known, even by the authorities. Perpetrators of such<br />
274 Foa: Letter from Israel: Battle of the Wombs, 2002<br />
275 Ashrawi: World Should Intervene to End the Israeli <strong>Apartheid</strong>, 2001<br />
276 Abu Nimah: Defusing Israel’s “Demographic Bomb”, 2005<br />
277 HaCohen: Looking Behind Ha’aretz’s Liberal Image, 2002; Tamari: Demographic Nationalism: False<br />
Assumptions and Inevitable Truths, 2005. See also footnote 267, above, and Chapter II.9.3, below.