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128<br />

most persistent white intentions, i.e. power- and profit-seeking ventures, especially in Africa,<br />

but elsewhere in the non-white world, as well. Whether as a consequence of genocide,<br />

apartheid, or colonialism, the very existence of victimization and victims was, and sometimes<br />

still is, often repressed and ignored. This is an essential part of the global geopolitical<br />

background to which apartheid was reinvented and revived in the modern era, in South Africa<br />

as well as in Israel.<br />

1.3. Death Squads, Torture, Weapons of Mass Destruction, Suicide Attacks,<br />

and ‘Honor’ Killings<br />

Although the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is not usually understood as similar to the conflict<br />

between Blacks and Whites in South Africa, the basic patterns are in fact the same, and the superficial<br />

differences between apartheid under white and Israeli Jewish rule are used to veil those patterns.<br />

What if we had supported the apartheid regime of South Africa against<br />

the majority black population? What if we had lauded the South<br />

African white leadership as ‘hard-line warriors’ rather than racists?<br />

What if we had explained the shooting of 56 black protesters at<br />

Sharpeville as an understandable ‘security crackdown’ by the South<br />

African police. And described black children shot by the police as an<br />

act of ‘child sacrifice’ by their parents? What if we had called upon<br />

the ‘terrorist’ ANC leadership to ‘control their own people’. Almost<br />

every day that is exactly the way we are playing the Israeli-Palestinian<br />

war. No matter how many youths are shot dead by the Israelis, no<br />

matter how many murders – by either side – and no matter how<br />

bloody the reputation of the Israeli Prime Minister, we are reporting<br />

this terrible conflict as if we supported the South African whites<br />

against the blacks. No, Israel is not South Africa (though it happily<br />

supported the apartheid regime) and no, the Palestinians are not the<br />

blacks of the shanty towns. But there’s not much difference between<br />

Gaza and the black slums of Johannesburg; and there’s not much<br />

difference between the tactics of the Israeli army in the occupied<br />

territories and that of the South African police. The apartheid regime<br />

had death squads, just as Israel has today. 230<br />

The problem of gross human rights violations has long existed in the Occupied<br />

Territories (Gaza and the West Bank, including east Jerusalem), mainly due to physical<br />

violence, such as indiscriminate killings, assassinations and torture. Lately, Israeli armed<br />

forces have stepped up their assassination activities, increased the shelling of residential and<br />

other areas, used innocent Palestinian civilians as human shields in attacks on other<br />

Palestinians, and used army snipers to fire into groups of unarmed demonstrators.<br />

Palestinians, on the other hand, have launched suicide bombing and sniping campaigns<br />

against Israeli civilian and military targets since the mid-1990s.<br />

But the problem exists since the very foundation of the modern state of Israel. The<br />

destruction of the village Deir Yassin on April 9, 1948, stands out with its brutality. 254<br />

innocent men, women and children were killed and the village was razed to the ground by the<br />

Israeli Irgun unit, headed by a man who would later become prime minister, Menachem<br />

Begin. The village was situated outside the state assigned to the Jews by the United Nations.<br />

But the massacre was also typical for the ruthlessness with which the Zionist project was<br />

planned and carried out. As in South Africa, in several areas, on several occasions, Palestine<br />

was to be emptied of its native population. The Palestinians were to cease to exist, at least as<br />

230 Fisk: When Journalists Refuse to Tell the Truth about Israel: ‘Fear of Being Slandered as “Anti-Semites”<br />

Means We Are Abetting Terrible Deeds in the Middle East’, 2001

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