Apartheid
Apartheid Apartheid
124 African apartheid were therefore in actual fact committed with total impunity. 217 For example, Wouter Basson (‘Doctor Death’) was charged in 2001 by South African state prosecutors with – among 45 other crimes – the crime of having around 200 prisoners of war murdered in South West Africa (now Namibia). The prisoners, members of the anticolonial and anti-apartheid South West African People’s Organization, SWAPO, were summarily executed by Basson’s assistants by means of injections of muscle relaxants. Apparently, it had turned out that other execution techniques, such as strangling, previously in use for such ‘operations’, were psychologically taxing on the executioners. However, the charges against Basson were dismissed by the presiding judge, Willie Hartzenberg (who had been appointed during the apartheid era), because ‘the alleged crimes had occurred in Namibia…and therefore could not be prosecuted in South Africa. Moreover, they were covered by the indemnity granted by the South African administrator of Namibia at the time of the country’s independence [from South Africa] in March 1990.’ Basson denies having been involved in the massacres of SWAPO prisoners, and is still free. After a long trial, Hartzenberg cleared Basson from guilt on all of the initial 46 charges on April 11, 2002, but state prosecutors appealed the ruling. In June 2003, South Africa’s Supreme Court finally ruled out a retrial. Possibly due to secret deals between the governments of the USA and South Africa, reportedly in order to keep him and his know-how regarding chemical and biological weapons out of touch with Ghaddafi’s Libya, Basson still practised as a stateemployed medical doctor until his suspension by the Mbeki government in 1999 and now runs a private practise in South Africa. 218 Due to legal circumstances such as these, not only the South African criminal justice system, but also the TRC a forteriori disregarded entirely around 98 per cent of the actual killings directly and indirectly carried out by the apartheid regime and its immediate allies in the neighboring countries from 1960 to 1994, and all killings prior to that. With regard to apartheid in the wide sense, the TRC therefore dealt with far less than a single per cent of all the killings that actually took place. These vast imbalances could be considered to be the greatest weaknesses of the TRC. Without attempting to play down the domestic violence perpetrated and engendered by the apartheid regime, it could be said that it rather successfully managed to ‘export’ its continuous war abroad, especially to the neighboring countries, actively setting up immediate allies, namely marauding groups of corrupt and ruthless bandits, with the aid of the USA 217 With a 282-137 vote, the US House of Representatives backed a measure sponsored by the Republican Party Representative Tom DeLay of Texas that would severely limit US participation in what he described as ‘a rogue court’. See N.N.: EU Wants International Criminal Court Set Up Soon, June 11, 2001. At this time, 32 countries had already ratified the court, which, based on the principles of Nazi war crime trials after the Second World War (to a large extent initiated, formed, and carried out by the USA itself), will try individuals accused of the world’s most heinous atrocities – mass murders, war crimes and other gross human rights violations. Sixty ratifications were needed for the International Criminal Court treaty to go into force. A total of 139 countries had thus far signed it, signaling their intention to ratify. On April 11, 2002, the number of ratifications rose to 66, and US resistance hardened as it reiterated its intention not to ratify the court, and even threatened to withdraw its signature, a highly unusual approach to international law. N.N.: US Restates Opposition to International Court, April 11, 2002. On July 1 of that year, finally, with ratifications from 74 countries, the court’s jurisdiction came into effect. The influential US-based rights group, Human Rights Watch, criticized the US position in strong language: ‘This stunning hypocrisy sends a signal that the rule of law is only for other people, not for US nationals’, Kenneth Roth, the group’s executive director, said in a statement. The European Union also opposed the USA on the issue, but did not dare to use such straightforward criticism in its official statements. See Monaghan: U.S.-EU Split on International Court Resurfaces, 2002. Along with the USA, China, Iraq, Libya, Qatar, and Yemen, Israel’s parliament also voted against joining the court, realistically fearing that many elite Israeli citizens may also face being charged and convicted on several counts by it. N.N.: Israel Opts Out of International Criminal Court, July 1, 2002. See also footnote 152, above. 218 Boateng 2001; Thomas: S.Africa Apartheid Germ Warfare Expert Not Guilty, 2002; N.N.: Retrial of Wouter Basson Denied, June 4, 2003
125 (UNITA in Angola) and Rhodesia (RENAMO in Mozambique). 219 The apartheid violence in South Africa itself, however, was largely structural, i.e. of an indirect nature, though hardly less brutal. Divide-and-rule policies originating with the white elites also led to violence within South Africa. It started already during Dutch times with the Khoikhoi, and, although discontinuous, it lasted until the 1990s with the struggle between the ANC and the Inkatha Freedom Party, which sometimes became violence between the Xhosa and the Zulu, the two largest ethnic groups in South Africa. This violence was the bloodiest within the borders of South Africa between 1948 and 1994, i.e. during apartheid in the narrow sense. 220 As the struggle in South Africa intensified, incidents of intra-community violence against women increased, as well. They typically included rape and other kinds of violent abuse, among and between both Whites and Blacks. From 1985, the phenomenon of ‘witch’burnings started to spread rapidly in rural black South Africa. It reached a climax in 1990, the year Nelson Mandela was freed after 27 years in jail. Western liberal concepts had been part of the general human rights policy of the main resistance movement to which Mandela belonged, the ANC, since its inception in 1912, but in some resistance cells where the struggle was particularly intense, human rights were sometimes blatantly disregarded. People suspected of being collaborators with the apartheid regime were sometimes summarily executed or assassinated. Occasionally, if collaboration could not be argued persuasively, ‘witchcraft’ became the charge. ‘Witch’-burnings are still a problem in today’s South Africa, mainly in isolated rural communities. 221 Executions of ‘witches’ were not an entirely new phenomenon to South Africa, but they only became widespread towards the very end of the apartheid era. Though not as dramatic as the peak period of ‘witch’-burnings in Europe between 1450 and 1660 222 , the 219 Iliffe 1995: 257; Hanlon: Mozambique: The Revolution under Fire, 1984. Both UNITA and RENAMO are still active, politically as well as militarily, in these countries, which were devastated by the apartheid offensives. In consequence, Angola and Mozambique today belong to the poorest and most dangerous countries in the world to live in. Similar to apartheid South Africa, Israel attempts to ‘export’ its civil war, for example to Lebanon in the 1980s and ‘90s, and to the Palestinian territories outside of internationally recognized Israeli territory since 1948. On the lies of the then president and the then secretary of state of the USA, Gerald Ford and Henry Kissinger, who said and maintained (among other things in Kissinger’s memoirs) that they intervened militarily, by means of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), in Angola as a response to Cuban deployments there, see Kornbluh (ed.): Conflicting Missions, Secret Cuban Documents on History of Africa Involvement, 2002. In fact, the Cubans deployed in Angola only after they had found out about the closely coordinated South African invasion of the country from South West Africa (now Namibia) and the covert CIA operation from Zaire (now Democratic Republic of Congo) in order to aid Jonas Savimbi’s UNITA against the Angolan government. See also French: How America Helped Savimbi and Apartheid South Africa, 2002: 7, and Hitchens: The Trial of Henry Kissinger, 2002 (2001): 99ff. The latter is a book containing some of the evidence of the many crimes, including crimes against humanity, for which Kissinger could be held responsible, but which are unlikely to be prosecuted in any event, due among other things to US military, economic and political power backing up the arrogant US refusal to cooperate with the International Criminal Court. See, further, footnote 217. Incidentally, Kissinger apparently also broke international law by secretly allowing and even personally encouraging and prodding the Israeli prime minister, Golda Meir, to violate a UN Security Council-brokered truce and attack Egypt and Syria during the hours after the 1973 war had officially ended. See N.N.: US Let Israel Stretch 1973 Truce – Documents, October 7, 2003. 220 See footnote 175, above. 221 Simpson: Women and Children in Violent South African Townships, 1993: 3-13; Harnischfeger: Witchcraft and the State in South Africa, 2000. Although fines and confiscations were common among punishment for witchcraft in 19 th century South African black communities, death sentences were apparently also sometimes passed and carried out. See Makhura: Missionary and African Perspectives on the Politics of Witchcraft among the Xhosa and Zulu Communities in the 19 th Century Cape and Natal/Zululand, 2003. 222 Hollister, McGee & Stokes: The West Transformed: A History of Western Civilization, 2000: 618-621. An estimated 110,000 people were put on trial for witchcraft in Europe and its North American colonies during this period. Around 60,000 were found guilty and executed. Here, again, we might conclude that demographic factors played an important role. During this period in particular, the male European elites were interested in rapid population growth at home in order to strengthen armies and expand and settle globally. Since then, the prevailing and constantly expanding economic system has kept women systematically out of the market by not
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124<br />
African apartheid were therefore in actual fact committed with total impunity. 217<br />
For example, Wouter Basson (‘Doctor Death’) was charged in 2001 by South African<br />
state prosecutors with – among 45 other crimes – the crime of having around 200 prisoners of<br />
war murdered in South West Africa (now Namibia). The prisoners, members of the anticolonial<br />
and anti-apartheid South West African People’s Organization, SWAPO, were<br />
summarily executed by Basson’s assistants by means of injections of muscle relaxants.<br />
Apparently, it had turned out that other execution techniques, such as strangling, previously in<br />
use for such ‘operations’, were psychologically taxing on the executioners.<br />
However, the charges against Basson were dismissed by the presiding judge, Willie<br />
Hartzenberg (who had been appointed during the apartheid era), because ‘the alleged crimes<br />
had occurred in Namibia…and therefore could not be prosecuted in South Africa. Moreover,<br />
they were covered by the indemnity granted by the South African administrator of Namibia at<br />
the time of the country’s independence [from South Africa] in March 1990.’ Basson denies<br />
having been involved in the massacres of SWAPO prisoners, and is still free. After a long<br />
trial, Hartzenberg cleared Basson from guilt on all of the initial 46 charges on April 11, 2002,<br />
but state prosecutors appealed the ruling. In June 2003, South Africa’s Supreme Court finally<br />
ruled out a retrial. Possibly due to secret deals between the governments of the USA and<br />
South Africa, reportedly in order to keep him and his know-how regarding chemical and<br />
biological weapons out of touch with Ghaddafi’s Libya, Basson still practised as a stateemployed<br />
medical doctor until his suspension by the Mbeki government in 1999 and now runs<br />
a private practise in South Africa. 218<br />
Due to legal circumstances such as these, not only the South African criminal justice<br />
system, but also the TRC a forteriori disregarded entirely around 98 per cent of the actual<br />
killings directly and indirectly carried out by the apartheid regime and its immediate allies in<br />
the neighboring countries from 1960 to 1994, and all killings prior to that. With regard to<br />
apartheid in the wide sense, the TRC therefore dealt with far less than a single per cent of all<br />
the killings that actually took place. These vast imbalances could be considered to be the<br />
greatest weaknesses of the TRC.<br />
Without attempting to play down the domestic violence perpetrated and engendered by<br />
the apartheid regime, it could be said that it rather successfully managed to ‘export’ its<br />
continuous war abroad, especially to the neighboring countries, actively setting up immediate<br />
allies, namely marauding groups of corrupt and ruthless bandits, with the aid of the USA<br />
217<br />
With a 282-137 vote, the US House of Representatives backed a measure sponsored by the Republican Party<br />
Representative Tom DeLay of Texas that would severely limit US participation in what he described as ‘a rogue<br />
court’. See N.N.: EU Wants International Criminal Court Set Up Soon, June 11, 2001. At this time, 32 countries<br />
had already ratified the court, which, based on the principles of Nazi war crime trials after the Second World<br />
War (to a large extent initiated, formed, and carried out by the USA itself), will try individuals accused of the<br />
world’s most heinous atrocities – mass murders, war crimes and other gross human rights violations. Sixty<br />
ratifications were needed for the International Criminal Court treaty to go into force. A total of 139 countries had<br />
thus far signed it, signaling their intention to ratify. On April 11, 2002, the number of ratifications rose to 66, and<br />
US resistance hardened as it reiterated its intention not to ratify the court, and even threatened to withdraw its<br />
signature, a highly unusual approach to international law. N.N.: US Restates Opposition to International Court,<br />
April 11, 2002. On July 1 of that year, finally, with ratifications from 74 countries, the court’s jurisdiction came<br />
into effect. The influential US-based rights group, Human Rights Watch, criticized the US position in strong<br />
language: ‘This stunning hypocrisy sends a signal that the rule of law is only for other people, not for US<br />
nationals’, Kenneth Roth, the group’s executive director, said in a statement. The European Union also opposed<br />
the USA on the issue, but did not dare to use such straightforward criticism in its official statements. See<br />
Monaghan: U.S.-EU Split on International Court Resurfaces, 2002. Along with the USA, China, Iraq, Libya,<br />
Qatar, and Yemen, Israel’s parliament also voted against joining the court, realistically fearing that many elite<br />
Israeli citizens may also face being charged and convicted on several counts by it. N.N.: Israel Opts Out of<br />
International Criminal Court, July 1, 2002. See also footnote 152, above.<br />
218<br />
Boateng 2001; Thomas: S.Africa <strong>Apartheid</strong> Germ Warfare Expert Not Guilty, 2002; N.N.: Retrial of Wouter<br />
Basson Denied, June 4, 2003