Apartheid
Apartheid Apartheid
106 employed widely, whether consciously or unconsciously, by the overwhelmingly male elites, on both sides of the apartheid divide, in such societies. And among the three relatively successful apartheid societies studied here, it involves ‘femicide’, the murder of women and girls simply because they are women and girls, within the conquered population. Of course, the invading ethnic minority’s male elite is the main winner, but there are considerable scraps of power to be gained by the (surviving) male elites of the oppressed indigenous majority as well. In terms of physical violence, the patriarchal division of indigenous society is the most acute of all apartheid divisions of resistance over time. It is possible for apartheid regimes to provoke physical violence, even war, between the Xhosa and the Zulu, between Arab Christians and Muslims, between leftists and conservatives, or between Islamists and the Palestinian National Authority, at certain times and under particular circumstances, but in apartheid societies these more or less engineered conflicts have not proven sustainable over decades. The ‘demographic wars’ and traditions of femicide, on the other hand, are invaluable resources for apartheid elites, because they can and do, as we shall see in the following section, last centuries, or even longer. It is important to point out from the outset that I am not attempting to reduce all indigenous violence to apartheid violence. Nor am I trying to reduce patriarchy or femicide to apartheid phenomena. Sexism is not reducible to racism. Indeed, as we shall see in Section II.6, apartheid may be seen as a patriarchal strategy, just as sexism may be seen as an apartheid strategy. And nowhere, perhaps, do these two scourges mutually reinforce each other so effectively as here, in the grey area, the realm of overlapping, between apartheid and patriarchy, between ethnicism and sexism. Traumatization and Schizophrenia as Consequences and Aspects of Apartheid I do not wish to go too deeply into psychiatric or psychological interpretations of what motivates the oppressors to commit gross human rights violations against a foreign country’s indigenous majority, but, based upon Edward Said’s last book and other sources, it is my view that the issues dealt with summarily here are issues that deserve further study. I believe that opportunism, ethnicism, religious fervor, ideology in general, greed, and vanity may all play roles in the motivation of apartheid perpetrators, and so, probably in each case, do some traumatic past individual and collective experiences. French Protestant survivors, the so-called ‘Huguenots’, for example, who were almost annihilated during the Catholic pogroms in their home country, came to another continent, to a land which they came to claim as their own, by divine grace, and they even dropped their language to take up Dutch (and Afrikaans). Similarly, the great majority of the first generation of Israeli Jews also came to another continent as survivors of Nazi and simultaneous or previous campaigns of genocidal mass murder and persecution. They also claimed the land they invaded as their own, by divine grace, and also dropped their mother tongues to (re-construct and) learn Hebrew, a language that had not been used in the vernacular for over two millennia. The Greek elites in Egypt also used a language that had not been used in the vernacular, for a couple of centuries in this case. They restored Attic Greek, which is significantly different from the koine Greek used as a lingua franca in the region since long before the time of the Greek conquest of Egypt. The changes of cultural identity incurred by changing the mother languages are sure to have had long-term effects on both personality and mentality. A traumatic past seems to have been self-inflicted more than anything else by the Greeks, especially the Macedonian males, arriving in Ptolemaic Egypt. The Dutch who came to South Africa were also more likely traumatized by their own actions, forced or prompted
107 by orders or even laws from above. 177 Not unlike the Greek and Roman soldiers in Egypt, many of them had been conquering, plundering, killing and destroying for years, even decades, before they came to set up a new apartheid system – in the case of South Africa: under supervision from the Netherlands or the Dutch East India Company. Another case of victimization and the victimization syndrome developed with the Afrikaners, the indigenous ‘white tribe’ of mainly Dutch origin in South Africa. When the British took over the Cape Colony and developed it, they gradually phased out the Dutch system of slavery. (Incidentally, the British abolished slavery primarily in their own long-term interest, not the slaves’, because they needed mass markets for their pioneering industrial mass production of consumer commodities, i.e. they needed to turn the slaves into wageslaves who would also be part-time consumers of industrial products. 178 ) In protest and in defiance of the British, many Afrikaners then emigrated on their ‘Great Trek’ inland and set up their own independent agricultural apartheid republics. By the time British imperialists and settlers caught up, diamonds and gold had been found on Afrikaner-held territory and the British invaded and took over the remaining Afrikaner republics during the Anglo-Boer war (1899-1902), confining many Afrikaner civilians to concentration camps and even killing many of them there. Thus, the persecution syndrome appears to have played a very significant role for South Africa’s as well as for Israel’s apartheid elites. 179 Similarly, they also make the truly (or relatively) indigenous, the innocent, suffer for wrongs done to them by others. Of course, these past traumatic experiences and past victimizations of apartheid perpetrators do not justify a single human rights violation carried out under apartheid conditions, but they are important pieces of information from the interpretive and strategic (or diagnostic and therapeutic) points of view. Palestinians, for example, should be aware of the important role of the Holocaust in Jewish mentalities. To deny the existence of the Holocaust, as is sometimes done in the criticism of Israel, is a great disfavor, not only to Jews in general – who are, after all, not necessarily Zionists – and not only to truth and justice, either. For lack of a better word, there is something ‘inventive’ about ethnicism, when seen as a psychological phenomenon. It constructs extremely elaborate justifications for its own acts of oppression, murder and theft, including religious and pseudo-scientific ones, which could be interpreted both as evil manipulations and as collective psychoses. These ‘psychoses’ do not, however, stay put in the mental world, like the overwhelming majority of individual psychoses do. Unlike most (?) individual psychoses, they are also state- and elite-sponsored infirmities. They slam down on others, on real people, real communities, cultures, and even on nature. Aletta Norval, for example, refers to South African directives to white women as the ‘Beginnings of a Security Psychosis’. The evidence she presents is in the document, ‘Women Our Silent Soldiers’, published by the Federal Council of the (ruling) National Party in South Africa in 1978/79, which instructs white women to: ‘[m]ake a study of Marxism in your own family, social or political circles and you will be shocked to learn under what guise the enemy works in the circles in which you move’. The document further informs readers: ‘[C]ounter-offensive’ action has to be taken against domestic employees by checking their identity documents for falsification; by ‘visiting’ their ‘dwelling places’ regularly to establish whether ‘strangers’ were ‘harboured’ there; by being on the look-out for literature of a Communist origin and books containing manuals for terrorism; by inspecting the contents of suitcases and trunks for false bottoms in which machine guns could be smuggled; by paying attention to clothes not obtainable in South Africa; and in the rural areas, by being on the 177 Iliffe 1995: 125: ‘Seventeenth-century Dutch law was brutal to Dutchmen; to slaves [in South Africa] it was unspeakably cruel.’ 178 Iliffe 1995: 127-159; Ankomah: It’s Time to Pay, 1999: 16-19 179 McGregor: Israel Should Learn from the Boers, 2001; Iliffe 1995
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107<br />
by orders or even laws from above. 177 Not unlike the Greek and Roman soldiers in Egypt,<br />
many of them had been conquering, plundering, killing and destroying for years, even<br />
decades, before they came to set up a new apartheid system – in the case of South Africa:<br />
under supervision from the Netherlands or the Dutch East India Company.<br />
Another case of victimization and the victimization syndrome developed with the<br />
Afrikaners, the indigenous ‘white tribe’ of mainly Dutch origin in South Africa. When the<br />
British took over the Cape Colony and developed it, they gradually phased out the Dutch<br />
system of slavery. (Incidentally, the British abolished slavery primarily in their own long-term<br />
interest, not the slaves’, because they needed mass markets for their pioneering industrial<br />
mass production of consumer commodities, i.e. they needed to turn the slaves into wageslaves<br />
who would also be part-time consumers of industrial products. 178 ) In protest and in<br />
defiance of the British, many Afrikaners then emigrated on their ‘Great Trek’ inland and set<br />
up their own independent agricultural apartheid republics. By the time British imperialists and<br />
settlers caught up, diamonds and gold had been found on Afrikaner-held territory and the<br />
British invaded and took over the remaining Afrikaner republics during the Anglo-Boer war<br />
(1899-1902), confining many Afrikaner civilians to concentration camps and even killing<br />
many of them there. Thus, the persecution syndrome appears to have played a very significant<br />
role for South Africa’s as well as for Israel’s apartheid elites. 179 Similarly, they also make the<br />
truly (or relatively) indigenous, the innocent, suffer for wrongs done to them by others.<br />
Of course, these past traumatic experiences and past victimizations of apartheid<br />
perpetrators do not justify a single human rights violation carried out under apartheid<br />
conditions, but they are important pieces of information from the interpretive and strategic (or<br />
diagnostic and therapeutic) points of view. Palestinians, for example, should be aware of the<br />
important role of the Holocaust in Jewish mentalities. To deny the existence of the Holocaust,<br />
as is sometimes done in the criticism of Israel, is a great disfavor, not only to Jews in general<br />
– who are, after all, not necessarily Zionists – and not only to truth and justice, either.<br />
For lack of a better word, there is something ‘inventive’ about ethnicism, when seen as<br />
a psychological phenomenon. It constructs extremely elaborate justifications for its own acts<br />
of oppression, murder and theft, including religious and pseudo-scientific ones, which could<br />
be interpreted both as evil manipulations and as collective psychoses. These ‘psychoses’ do<br />
not, however, stay put in the mental world, like the overwhelming majority of individual<br />
psychoses do. Unlike most (?) individual psychoses, they are also state- and elite-sponsored<br />
infirmities. They slam down on others, on real people, real communities, cultures, and even on<br />
nature.<br />
Aletta Norval, for example, refers to South African directives to white women as the<br />
‘Beginnings of a Security Psychosis’. The evidence she presents is in the document, ‘Women<br />
Our Silent Soldiers’, published by the Federal Council of the (ruling) National Party in South<br />
Africa in 1978/79, which instructs white women to: ‘[m]ake a study of Marxism in your own<br />
family, social or political circles and you will be shocked to learn under what guise the enemy<br />
works in the circles in which you move’. The document further informs readers:<br />
‘[C]ounter-offensive’ action has to be taken against domestic employees by<br />
checking their identity documents for falsification; by ‘visiting’ their ‘dwelling<br />
places’ regularly to establish whether ‘strangers’ were ‘harboured’ there; by<br />
being on the look-out for literature of a Communist origin and books containing<br />
manuals for terrorism; by inspecting the contents of suitcases and trunks for<br />
false bottoms in which machine guns could be smuggled; by paying attention to<br />
clothes not obtainable in South Africa; and in the rural areas, by being on the<br />
177<br />
Iliffe 1995: 125: ‘Seventeenth-century Dutch law was brutal to Dutchmen; to slaves [in South Africa] it was<br />
unspeakably cruel.’<br />
178<br />
Iliffe 1995: 127-159; Ankomah: It’s Time to Pay, 1999: 16-19<br />
179<br />
McGregor: Israel Should Learn from the Boers, 2001; Iliffe 1995