Apartheid
Apartheid
Apartheid
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105<br />
‘Palestinians’, Israel has been successful in making sure that Jews and members of the<br />
international community call them ‘Israeli Arabs’ and therefore will consciously or<br />
unconsciously consider them either as anomalies or as generously tolerated guests in the selfproclaimed<br />
‘Jewish state’, but certainly not as people who belong to the country, or to whom<br />
the country belongs. 173<br />
In South Africa, moreover, Dutch colonialists exploited existing rifts between<br />
Khoikhoi groups on the one hand, and favored Asian and mixed-race slaves and their<br />
descendants over Blacks on the other. The apartheid (in the narrow sense) government further<br />
entrenched this color hierarchy, manufactured by Whites, and exacerbated it by means of<br />
forced spatial segregation, including even the allotment of different residential areas to<br />
different African ethnicities. The townships and Homelands or Bantustans – in practice:<br />
detention centers and slow death traps for the indigenous masses who had been denied<br />
citizenship – were strategically placed to minimize potential organization and to make unity of<br />
resistance impossible or nearly so. Israel apparently picked up on the idea of Bantustans or<br />
Homelands from this strategic angle. In Palestine, and even more so in Lebanon, the Israelis<br />
also utilized, amplified and brought about differences and conflicts that had already existed to<br />
some extent between Christians and Muslims, or at least they tried to do so. 174<br />
Often, the practice of dividing resistance entails the provocation and creation of<br />
violence between the indigenous groups. For instance, a so-called ‘Third Force’ of clandestine<br />
apartheid regime defenders from 1990 to 1994 engineered and created the greatest loss of life<br />
within the borders of South Africa during the 46 apartheid years in the narrow sense. That<br />
violence was mainly carried out in ‘Black-on-Black’ fighting between supporters of the ANC,<br />
many of whom were native Xhosa-speakers, and the Inkhatha Freedom Party, a<br />
predominantly ethnic Zulu party, which had several leaders with close ties to leaders at the<br />
highest levels within the white regime. 175<br />
The division of resistance also usually involves the immediate neighbors of the<br />
oppressed people. Israel and its main ally, the USA, have for long divided Arab and Muslim<br />
countries in ways very similar to how South Africa and its NATO allies (along with Rhodesia)<br />
actively divided African countries, especially Angola and Mozambique, with regard to<br />
apartheid. In similar ways, South Africa and Israel developed techniques to ‘export’ their<br />
apartheid violence, Israel to Lebanon and Iraq.<br />
Finally, all apartheid societies are strongly patriarchal. This is quite possibly the most<br />
used and useful form of dividing the victimized indigenous majority within itself, although it<br />
is at the same time probably the least conscious form of dividing the primary victims.<br />
Resistance is thus split right down the middle. Every single family is affected. Of course, both<br />
radical and not-so-radical gender theory holds this to be true for all human societies. 176<br />
Nevertheless, the high degree of sexism in apartheid is remarkable. It is a weapon that is<br />
173<br />
In South Africa, some of the Zulu and Xhosa kings who were loyal, or who were perceived to be loyal<br />
towards the Whites, kept their titles and some of their power, though the Whites had effective veto power. See<br />
Mandela 1995 (1994): 6f. For Israel, see Bishara, A.: The Israeli Democracy!! 2001; Chomsky 2 1999: 544; Said<br />
December 17, 2000.<br />
174<br />
N.N.: Vandals Destroy Crosses at Beit Jala Cemeteries, December 4, 2000; Miftah: Statement: Israel<br />
Attempts to Provoke Religious Discrimination Between Palestinian Christians and Muslims, 2000. The latter<br />
source quotes the daily Israeli newspaper, Jerusalem Post, which published an article on October 25, 2000 in<br />
which it is quoted as stating ‘since the outbreak of violence in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, hundreds of<br />
Christian Arab families have left with the assistance of the [Israeli] Foreign Ministry and foreign embassies, such<br />
as those of England, Canada, and Cyprus.’ The article continued by falsely asserting that Palestinian Christian<br />
families felt threatened after a Muslim preacher in Gaza allegedly made hostile remarks against the Christian<br />
community there. In response, all three embassies subsequently stated that they were concerned solely with the<br />
fact that any person of their citizenship living in Israel or the Occupied Territories is their responsibility, whether<br />
Muslim, Jewish, or Christian. The embassies carried out their protocol procedure of publicly announcing to their<br />
citizens the arrangements for evacuation, should they wish to leave.<br />
175<br />
Mandela 1995 (1994): 587ff; Barber 1999: 288ff.<br />
176<br />
Chapman 1995: 96ff