tax notes international - Tuck School of Business - Dartmouth College
tax notes international - Tuck School of Business - Dartmouth College
tax notes international - Tuck School of Business - Dartmouth College
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The Global Tax Revolution: The Rise <strong>of</strong> Tax<br />
Competition and the Battle to Defend It<br />
The Global Tax Revolution: The Rise <strong>of</strong> Tax<br />
Competition and the Battle to Defend It<br />
by Chris Edwards and Daniel J. Mitchell<br />
Published by the Cato Institute: Washington<br />
(2008).<br />
255 pages<br />
Price: $21.95<br />
Reviewed by Gary Clyde Hufbauer, Reginald Jones<br />
senior fellow, Peterson Institute for International<br />
Economics.<br />
Simply because it’s published by Cato, this book<br />
might be dismissed by the <strong>tax</strong> engineers <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Obama administrations — people like Chief Economist<br />
Lawrence Summers, Treasury Secretary Timothy<br />
Geithner, House Ways and Means Committee Chair<br />
Charles B. Rangel, D-N.Y., and Senate Finance Committee<br />
Chair Max Baucus, D-Mont. That would be a<br />
mistake.<br />
In response to globalization, many countries have<br />
adopted simpler <strong>tax</strong> systems with lower rates, seeking<br />
to improve their competitive position in the world<br />
economy. By and large, these efforts have succeeded.<br />
Critics may deplore the outbreak <strong>of</strong> <strong>tax</strong> competition,<br />
but Chris Edwards and Daniel Mitchell come to celebrate<br />
the revolution, not reverse it. It’s hard to argue<br />
with success; yet three criticisms are <strong>of</strong>ten voiced: Tax<br />
competition undermines the ability <strong>of</strong> government to<br />
collect revenue; with the result that public goods and<br />
social programs are underfunded; and as collateral<br />
damage, progressivity is eroded because <strong>tax</strong> cuts favor<br />
capital income and highly paid personnel.<br />
Where others see vice, Edwards and Mitchell find<br />
virtue. Small government is their goal. America’s problem<br />
is not the starvation <strong>of</strong> public programs, it’s too<br />
much money thrown at social entitlements and bridges<br />
to nowhere. Progressive <strong>tax</strong>ation loads the heaviest burdens<br />
on human and physical capital, and thereby<br />
cripples economic performance.<br />
Surveying reforms around the world, the authors<br />
conclude that <strong>tax</strong> competition spurs investment and<br />
promotes growth. Not only does <strong>tax</strong> competition unleash<br />
entrepreneurial energy at home, it also attracts<br />
foreign investment and skilled labor. The authors award<br />
special merit to countries that join the ‘‘flat <strong>tax</strong> club’’<br />
— in its ideal form (who can forget the famous Hall-<br />
Rabushka postcard return?), a single low-rate <strong>tax</strong><br />
across all forms <strong>of</strong> income. On this prescription, Edwards<br />
and Mitchell would especially like the Obama<br />
administration to take notice. A simple flat <strong>tax</strong> system<br />
is the path the United States must follow, in their view,<br />
to meet rising competition from the likes <strong>of</strong> Brazil,<br />
Russia, India, China, and Korea — the BRICKs. As<br />
the first step, the authors recommend sharp cuts in<br />
both individual and corporate <strong>tax</strong> rates: slashing individual<br />
<strong>tax</strong> rates to a range between 15 percent and 25<br />
percent, and corporate <strong>tax</strong> rates to 15 percent.<br />
The rationale behind a ‘‘starve the beast’’ strategy<br />
for reaching smaller and more efficient government is<br />
straightforward: Reduced revenues will restrain public<br />
spending and eventually force government to curtail<br />
excessive promises. On this proposition, I must note<br />
two ironies. First, in recent years, an absence <strong>of</strong> revenue<br />
has persuaded neither Italy nor the United States<br />
to curb expenditure, despite the ‘‘conservative’’ leadership<br />
<strong>of</strong> Berlusconi and Bush. Second, as the authors<br />
recognize, <strong>tax</strong> competition has yet to reduce public revenues<br />
as a share <strong>of</strong> GDP. Laffer-curve effects — base<br />
broadening and less <strong>tax</strong> avoidance — are sufficiently<br />
strong that <strong>tax</strong> revenues typically remain stable or even<br />
rise in the wake <strong>of</strong> rate cuts.<br />
Recent experience not only contradicts critics who<br />
fear a race to the bottom in terms <strong>of</strong> public expenditure,<br />
but also disappoints advocates who devoutly urge<br />
TAX NOTES INTERNATIONAL FEBRUARY 2, 2009 • 415<br />
(C) Tax Analysts 2009. All rights reserved. Tax Analysts does not claim copyright in any public domain or third party content.