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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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formants to approach and enhance one another in each <strong>of</strong> the corner vowels (Stevens<br />

1986), increasing their perceptual salience. Because <strong>of</strong> this perceptual salience, the<br />

vowels most favored by contrast-enhancing UVR will be peripheral [i, u, a] 20 .<br />

Crosswhite formalizes these observations in OT using Licensing constraints à la<br />

Steriade, formulated as follows:<br />

(5) LIC-Q/β: The vowel quality Q is only licensed in context β.<br />

Where Q = any vowel quality or a natural vowel class<br />

β = any context that enhances the perception <strong>of</strong> Q<br />

In the case <strong>of</strong> UVR, a typical contrast-enhancing constraint is (6):<br />

(6) LIC-Noncorner/Stress:Noncorner vowels are licensed only under stress.<br />

The effect <strong>of</strong> this constraint is to ban the realization <strong>of</strong> mid vowels categorically from<br />

unstressed syllables in a manner quite like that illustrated in chapter one for <strong>Positional</strong><br />

Markedness constraints. An example <strong>of</strong> a system produced by the interaction <strong>of</strong> this<br />

constraint with general Faithfulness constraints on the relevant features is Belorussian. As<br />

described above, Belorussian contrasts five vowels /i, e, a, o, u/ under stress, but in<br />

unstressed syllables, /e, o/ lower and merge with /a/, yielding [a]. Another example<br />

Crosswhite cites <strong>of</strong> contrast-enhancing UVR comes from Standard Italian, in which a<br />

20<br />

Varying rankings <strong>of</strong> potential Licensing constraints with Faithfulness constraints will see that this is not<br />

always the system contrast-enhancing UVR ultimately generates. Different outputs depend on languagespecific<br />

constraint rankings.<br />

75

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