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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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difference in register is one <strong>of</strong> speech rate, which is to say, the vowels pronounced at the<br />

faster rate have shorter durations. The reduction <strong>of</strong> [e, o] to [i, u], being duration-<br />

dependent, applies pretonically only when those vowels are shortened sufficiently to<br />

condition it. Posttonic vowels, on the other hand, are routinely short enough, unless<br />

altered by phrase-final lengthening. Other processes are also sensitive to speech rate in<br />

this way: in normal speech, nasalized mid vowels are never reduced, but in fast speech in<br />

posttonic position only they are raised to merge with the high nasalized vowels. Major<br />

attributes their failure to raise in normal speech to the fact that, as is typical<br />

crosslinguistically, the nasalized vowels are phonetically longer than their oral<br />

counterparts all things being equal, such that only a substantially faster speech rate would<br />

contract them sufficiently to begin to challenge the articulation <strong>of</strong> their target heights.<br />

While degree one reduction is irreversible and categorical, degree two reduction,<br />

the raising <strong>of</strong> mid vowels clearly demonstrates gradient properties. The duration-<br />

dependence <strong>of</strong> the process clearly indicates that it is not yet independent <strong>of</strong> phonetic<br />

factors in the way that degree one reduction appears to be. Approaches treating both<br />

reduction processes in Brazilian Portuguese as equivalently phonological have no means<br />

<strong>of</strong> characterizing the failure <strong>of</strong> reduction in phrase-final vowels and the fast-speech<br />

and sloppy” (Major 1985: 265). long. Pretonics in the same experiment were in all cases longer than these<br />

posttonics, but shorter than the tonics.<br />

70

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