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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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Another way in which the phonetics can create the input to phonologizations<br />

resulting in stressed-unstressed syllable licensing asymmetries is through the durational<br />

and articulatory enhancement <strong>of</strong> the stressed syllables. Cho (2001) presents articulatory<br />

evidence from English that the presence <strong>of</strong> pitch accents on vowels results in their<br />

strengthening not only in duration and resistance to vowel-to-vowel coarticulation, but<br />

also in what Cho calls sonority enhancement, whereby lip and jaw position are both more<br />

open, and in many cases tongue position is lower as well (but see de Jong 1995 for<br />

somewhat contradictory results). These enhancements, taken together, can account for<br />

lengthenings, lowerings, and diphthongizations <strong>of</strong> stressed vowels, potentially resulting<br />

in the emergence <strong>of</strong> new contrasts in those positions (assuming that some comparable<br />

stressed vowels fail to undergo the process, or enter the language only after the process<br />

has taken place).<br />

That it is specifically duration or lack there<strong>of</strong>, and not “stressedness” per se, that<br />

is responsible for the licensing asymmetries found in stressed and unstressed syllables is<br />

underscored by cases in which vowels <strong>of</strong> one or another degree <strong>of</strong> stress are nonetheless<br />

subject to reduction due to the failure <strong>of</strong> that stress to impart any additional duration to<br />

the vowel in the syllable it is realized on. Thus, in Italian, only vowels under primary<br />

stress are immune to vowel reduction, while secondarily-stressed vowels undergo the<br />

neutralization <strong>of</strong> unstressed high and low mid vowels to [e] and [o] just as would an<br />

56

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