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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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contrasts even among the high vowels (since original /i/ and // remain contrastive in non-<br />

final syllables).<br />

Tamil (Beckman 1998) presents a case in which no round vowels occur outside<br />

the stressed initial syllable (see chapter 4 for a discussion <strong>of</strong> stress in Tamil and<br />

Dravidian at large. Why Beckman chooses to treat Tamil as an instance <strong>of</strong> initial<br />

prominence rather than UVR is not obvious), contrary to the generalization made here. In<br />

the dialect Beckman treats, <strong>of</strong> the five underlying short vowels /i, e, a, o, u/, only /i, a, u/<br />

appear contrastively outside the initial syllable (Beckman 1998: 87). Additionally, in<br />

non-initial syllables, the three peripheral vowels receive the allophonic realizations [, ,<br />

]. It is thus not so much the case that the system avoids round/unround contrasts in<br />

unstressed syllables, but rather that the allophonic unrounding <strong>of</strong> short /u/ and the<br />

predictable UVR elimination <strong>of</strong> the mid vowels conspire to produce a system in which no<br />

round vowels appear. It is potentially relevant here too that it is short /u/ in particular<br />

which is affected in this way. Even in the initial syllable the short peripheral vowels<br />

undergo some qualitative phonetic reduction, being realized as [, , ] respectively.<br />

The special vulnerability <strong>of</strong> the short high vowels in systems with long/short<br />

contrasts deserves serious further investigation. One potential avenue <strong>of</strong> exploration<br />

would focus on the durational characteristics <strong>of</strong> these, particularly in connection with the<br />

well-known crosslinguistic tendency for short high vowels to be subject to devoicing.<br />

48

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