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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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inventories”, the only other option for an inventory smaller than /i, u, a/ but retaining<br />

some contrast still 9 . The final option <strong>of</strong> course is the neutralization <strong>of</strong> all vowel contrasts,<br />

as in Saanich (Straits Salish, Montler 1986, Urbanczyk 1999), where nearly all unstressed<br />

vowels are realized as schwa.<br />

In section 2.2 below I will argue that the predominance <strong>of</strong> height-contrast<br />

neutralizations in UVR systems follows directly from the phonetic characteristics <strong>of</strong> the<br />

systems in question. The virtual non-existence <strong>of</strong> systems based on the neutralization <strong>of</strong><br />

front/back, round, or ATR contrasts is furthermore predicted under the phonologization<br />

approach, since except in the most extreme cases <strong>of</strong> durational contraction <strong>of</strong> unstressed<br />

syllables, these contrasts are not threatened phonetically to the extent that height contrasts<br />

are. While the phonologization approach predicts that the UVR analogues <strong>of</strong> palatal,<br />

rounding, or ATR harmonies should be rare, by no means does it preclude their existence<br />

entirely. This is because while the phonologization approach accounts for typological<br />

regularities in the patterning <strong>of</strong> PN systems through an understanding <strong>of</strong> the phonetic<br />

circumstances which give rise to them, a central tenet <strong>of</strong> the approach is that once<br />

phonologized, the developmental logic <strong>of</strong> the systems in question ceases to be phonetic in<br />

9 Another example <strong>of</strong> this neutralization pattern, in its slightly idealized form outlined in Steriade 1994, is<br />

that <strong>of</strong> word-medial short vowels in Hausa. See section 3.2.2.1 below for details.<br />

41

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