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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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only three vowel qualities, [i, , u]. Systems with these particular inventories in stressed<br />

and unstressed positions are fairly common (particularly within Romance). We find the<br />

same seven-to-five inventory reduction in stressed and unstressed syllables in Berguener<br />

Romansh (Kamprath 1987: 52-54), posttonic syllables in Brazilian Portuguese ((Major<br />

1981, 1985, Nobre and Ingemann 1987, Simões 1991, Wetzels 1992), and unstressed<br />

syllables in South Russian dialects (Flier 1978). Equally common are reductions from<br />

seven-vowels to five as in Standard Italian (Vincent 1988b), or Loniu (Austronesian -<br />

Admiralty Islands, Hamel 1994), and <strong>of</strong> five vowels to three, as in Eastern Bulgarian 8<br />

(Stojkov 1993), Standard Belorussian (Czekman and SmuΩkowa 1988), or posttonic<br />

syllables in Seediq (Austronesian - Atayalic, (Asai 1953, Li 1977, Li 1980, Holmer<br />

1996). The fact that these same canonical inventories appear again and again in the strong<br />

and weak positions <strong>of</strong> systems <strong>of</strong> unstressed vowel reduction is good news for dispersion-<br />

based theories <strong>of</strong> vowel inventory construction (Liljencrants and Lindblom 1972,<br />

Flemming 1995, 2001). The same perceptual demands for maximal dispersion <strong>of</strong> vowels<br />

within the vowel space appear to be operative in constructing inventories <strong>of</strong> unstressed<br />

vocalism as have been argued to govern selection <strong>of</strong> full inventories (Flemming 2001).<br />

Interestingly, however, while stressed and unstressed inventories are remarkably<br />

8 Actually six vowels to three. See below.<br />

38

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