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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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ased approaches. On the basis <strong>of</strong> experimental findings, I propose a new interpretation<br />

<strong>of</strong> Russian vowel reduction based on the distinction between phonetic and phonological<br />

processes outlined above. Section 2.6 discusses the ramifications <strong>of</strong> the phonologization<br />

model <strong>of</strong> UVR typology for the question <strong>of</strong> phonetic determinism in phonology.<br />

2.1. Unstressed vowel reduction: patterns <strong>of</strong> neutralization<br />

Unstressed vowel reduction is a relatively familiar phenomenon in the linguistic<br />

literature, in part surely due to its robust attestation in such thoroughly studied language<br />

families as Romance and Slavic. A typological investigation <strong>of</strong> vowel reduction systems<br />

yields the following clear and striking results: The vast majority <strong>of</strong> licensing asymmetries<br />

between stressed and unstressed syllables in the languages <strong>of</strong> the world involve the<br />

neutralize <strong>of</strong> contrasts <strong>of</strong> vowel height, nasalization, or quantity. <strong>Neutralization</strong>s <strong>of</strong><br />

features along any other dimensions, to the extent that they are at all are spottily attested<br />

and usually secondary to the neutralization <strong>of</strong> height contrasts in the same system. The<br />

enormous typological gaps this generalization leaves, including the absence <strong>of</strong> any<br />

systems <strong>of</strong> UVR based on neutralizations <strong>of</strong> palatality, ATR, or rounding contrasts,<br />

precisely the features most commonly involved in vowel harmony systems, must be<br />

accounted for in any theory <strong>of</strong> vowel reduction. As we shall see below, these gaps are<br />

36

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