Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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Byrd, Dani. 1996. A phase window framework for articulatory timing. Phonology 13(2): 139-169. Byrd, Dani. 2000. Articulatory vowel lengthening and coordination at phrasal junctures. Phonetica 57: 3-16. Cambier-Langeveld, Tina. 1997. The domain of final lengthening in the production of Dutch. Linguistics in the Netherlands 14: 13-24. Cambier-Langeveld, Tina. 1999. The interaction between final lengthening and accentual lengthening: Dutch versus English. Linguistics in the Netherlands16: 13-25. Cardona, George. 1965. A Gujarati reference grammar. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Carnochan, J. 1988. The vowels of Hausa. Studies in Hausa language and linguistics in honour of F. W. Parsons. ed. by Graham Furniss and Philip J. Jaggar, pp. 17-32. London: Kegan Paul International. Casali, Roderic. 1995. Labial opacity and roundness harmony in Nawuri. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 13: 649-663. Casali, Roderic. 1997. Vowel elision in hiatus contexts: which vowel goes? Language 73: 493-533. Chekmonas, V. 1987. Territorija zarozhdenija i etapy razvitija vostochnoslavjanskogo akan’ja v svete dannyx lingvogeografii. Russian Linguistics 11: 335-349. 374
Chen, Matthew. 1973. Nasals and nasalization in the history of Chinese. Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley. Cho, Taehong. 2000. Effects of morpheme boundaries on intergestural timing: Evidence from Korean. UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics 99: 71-108. Cho, Taehong and Sun-Ah Jun (2000). Domain-initial strengthening as enhancement of laryngeal features: aerodynamic evidence from Korean. UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics 99: 57-79. Cho, Taehong and Sun-Ah Jun. 2000. Domain-initial strengthening as enhancement of laryngeal features: aerodynamic evidence from Korean. Chicago Linguistics Society 36. Cho, Taehong and Patricia Keating. 1999. Articulatory and acoustic studies of domain- initial strengthening in Korean. UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics 97: 100-138. Cohn, Abigail. 1990. Phonetic and phonological rules of nasalization, Ph.D. dissertation, UCLA. Côté, Marie-Hélène. 2000. Consonant Cluster Phonotactic: A Perceptual Approach. Ph.D. dissertation, MIT. Crosswhite, Katherine. 2001. Vowel reduction in Optimality Theory. New York & London: Routledge. 375
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Positional Neutralization: A Phonol
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Abstract Positional Neutralization:
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Table of Contents Chapter 1. Introd
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3.6.3. Mixed Systems 224 3.6.4. Nas
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Acknowledgements The thanks I owe t
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Chapter 1. Introduction In this stu
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divorced from their phonetic origin
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neutralization such that some combi
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Pure Prominence advocates to assume
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1.1.1.1. Phonetic arbitrariness in
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1.1.2. Phonetically-driven Phonolog
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since it too brings the phonetic fo
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asymmetries are relatively unambigu
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crucial and common to all and adopt
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duration such as unstressed syllabl
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targets for F1). In environments su
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neutralized. Indeed, we would speak
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applying to a single phonological e
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(passim, but especially 1981 and 19
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will treat as the alteration or add
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lengthening, together potentially w
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through four. I conclude that the s
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sort demonstrated in Lindblom (1963
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predictable according to the phonol
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steady across UVR systems, the mapp
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inventories”, the only other opti
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direct result of the phonologizatio
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does not, therefore represent a leg
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question. The point is that the rel
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Another direction might explore the
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monomoraic and bimoraic vowels. Fro
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The preceding sections have shown t
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to perceptual proximity to one anot
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unstressed vowel (Crosswhite 2001:
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Bulgarian has six vowels in stresse
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elsewhere, depending on the informa
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Pettersson and Wood started their i
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discussed below in the context of R
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(known as ‘akanje’, ‘[a]-sayi
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neutralization occurring as a resul
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eduction of pretonic vowels as a si
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2.4. A UG-based approach to UVR typ
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formants to approach and enhance on
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Steriade in particular, in her semi
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emoval of “particularly loud and
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attract stress to sonorous vowels,
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which it is a priori impossible to
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Again, since the low vowel of preto
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If it is correct that, however, tha
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2.5.1. Facts Contemporary Standard
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compared to /a/, he writes that “
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tendency for domain-initial segment
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Each instance of the failure of red
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sentences was a real-word trisyllab
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(10) Russian second pretonic /a/, /
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vowel, and phrase-final position),
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phonetic implementations as a funct
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lengthening of vowels in first pret
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story of articulatory approximation
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pretonic syllables, however, only o
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unstressed /e/ toward [u], finally
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phonetic and phonological perspecti
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should not, and those predictions a
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position as a licenser of contrasts
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insofar as we have seen how positio
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elevant to the present study for th
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effect which is potentially univers
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word-final syllables. Still, the pr
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to be restricted in many languages
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their realizations, determined by b
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(17) Hausa medial short vowels a. [
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Penny (1969: 148-149) gives the vow
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To this we can add facts from neigh
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notion of umlaut or metaphony being
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dialects, Walker notes the differen
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position in the way that, e.g., ret
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is illustrative, but by no means ex
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d. Brazilian Portuguese (Romance) (
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h. English (Germanic)(Hammond 1997)
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hence subphonemic durational featur
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n. Timugon Murut (Austronesian, NE
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(underlying) long vowels 71 , and p
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final lengthening have detected the
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the ends of phrases. They hypothesi
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opposite pattern in both phonetic s
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With respect to the syllable-struct
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strengthened significantly, while v
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strength effects in final position,
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equivalent of unstressed vowel redu
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asymmetry plays a role as well. In
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final strength effects are often fo
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internal unstressed syllables in th
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application (in whatever form) is n
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syllable vowel (that which appeared
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unified phonologization scenario ac
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As for the non-high vowels in preto
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ack” (Kroeger 1992: 280). Kroeger
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stressed [o], preventing it from be
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schwa in normal speech (1993: 38).
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environment, deriving a number of d
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are responsible for the phonologica
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section). A second generalization w
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latter case the same feature is imp
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well-known, for example, that short
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language Dasenech (Sasse 1976), wou
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Another possibility is that devoici
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contexts, however, h-epenthesis is
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supralaryngeal strengthening in thi
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inherently problematic from a produ
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lengthening in Dutch by Cambier-Lan
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contradictions this entails describ
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preceding consonants, etc.). It see
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Gordon and Ladefoged mention alloph
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In other words, the creak appears o
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phrase-final devoicing seems to be
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targeted, and hence realized as glo
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their common properties, restoring
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when following voiced consonants or
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(Brame 1972), and D’irayta (Haywa
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monolithic weakening environment. H
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Another study, in fact, that of Vas
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velic opening. There has been much
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The same pattern is found in anothe
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lengthening-plus-intrinsic-nasaliza
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commonly enough resolved with glott
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nasal consonant, and the vowel rema
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. Ongota (affiliation uncertain - C
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combination of phonetic strengtheni
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mentioned. Often deletion is preced
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f. Kandahari Pashto (Elfenbein 1997
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for some speakers of Brazilian Port
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discussion of devoicing, above, tha
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(36) Russian phrase-final [blot] 's
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drastically decreased, as an alread
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lengthening the latter parts of the
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Avoidance of length contrasts word-
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While the non-finality of stress ap
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points out the case of Luganda (Hym
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syllables are apparently required t
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with non-modal phonation or devoici
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3.7.2. Final short vowel avoidance
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generally between 95 and 125 in the
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e considered from a crosslinguistic
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Chapter 4. Initial Syllables Domain
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know of the relevant phonetic facts
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lengthening or lowering the sonorit
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asymmetries it carries, is what Smi
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phonological licensing in question
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eason to favor the one strategy ove
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Before turning to the attested case
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initial consonant serves to enhance
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existence of the former, and I will
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since the majority of phonological
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eduction to schwa in Russian and in
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assumption that in providing a comp
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initial and non-initial vowels from
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durational asymmetry was absent alt
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low mid vowels to become unpredicta
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of the typology of initial-syllable
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there could in principle be a phone
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ackness of non-initial vowels is ge
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fricatives, which in retrospect may
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(44) Mean vowel durations for Engli
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initial strengthening in languages
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Word-initial: U[Phr[istanbuldaki W[
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syllables than the other speakers.
Page 333 and 334: Concerning the language-specific na
Page 335 and 336: 4.5.3. Consequences of domain-initi
Page 337 and 338: All these cases, while not in fact
Page 339 and 340: in chapter 2, however, among the un
Page 341 and 342: advice for teachers of non-standard
Page 343 and 344: Inkelas et al. (2001), building on
Page 345 and 346: demonstrated above, however, initia
Page 347 and 348: Assuming now that Vowels 1 and 2 in
Page 349 and 350: This account derives palatal vowel
Page 351 and 352: vowels in Luganda and Runyambo. Hub
Page 353 and 354: the UVR systems of Yakan, Timugon M
Page 355 and 356: 4.6. Summary In this chapter I have
Page 357 and 358: why we find such systems in Turkic
Page 359 and 360: Chapter 5. Conclusions 5.1. Phonolo
Page 361 and 362: perfectly understandable in the pho
Page 363 and 364: as the durational asymmetries in qu
Page 365 and 366: model of phonetics-phonology incorp
Page 367 and 368: of effort necessary to reach a low
Page 369 and 370: (specified by Minimum Distance cons
Page 371 and 372: duration for /a/~/o/ in this positi
Page 373 and 374: unstressed syllables in a given lan
Page 375 and 376: patterns such as those treated in t
Page 377 and 378: References Abondolo, Daniel. 1998a.
Page 379 and 380: Balasubramanian, T. 1981. Duration
Page 381 and 382: Blevins, Juliette. 1993. A tonal an
Page 383: Browman, Catherine P. and Louis Gol
Page 387 and 388: Dauer, Rebecca M. 1987. Phonetic an
Page 389 and 390: Farnetani, Edda and Shiro Kori. 199
Page 391 and 392: Garrett, Andrew and Juliette Blevin
Page 393 and 394: Hayes, Bruce. 1997. Phonetically-dr
Page 395 and 396: Hyde, Villiana. 1971. An introducti
Page 397 and 398: Janiak, BronisΩawa. 1995. Polsko-U
Page 399 and 400: Keating, Patricia, Richard Wright a
Page 401 and 402: Kroeger, Paul. 1992. Vowel harmony
Page 403 and 404: Liphola, Marcelino M. 2001. Aspects
Page 405 and 406: Miller, Carolyn. 1993 Kadazan/Dusun
Page 407 and 408: Nord, Lennart. 1987. Acoustic studi
Page 409 and 410: Penny, Ralph. 1986. Sandhi phenomen
Page 411 and 412: Rietveld, A. C. M. and U. H. Frauen
Page 413 and 414: Schuh, Russell G. and Lawan D. Yalw
Page 415 and 416: Steriade, Donca. 2001. Directional
Page 417 and 418: Tuttle, Siri. 2000. Duration, inton
Page 419 and 420: Wolgemuth, Carl. 1969. Isthmus Vera
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