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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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as the durational asymmetries in question would be too small to produce the articulatory<br />

pressures which lead to patterns <strong>of</strong> this sort.<br />

In each case - stressed, final, and initial syllable positions - the phonologization<br />

model was shown to account better for the full range <strong>of</strong> typological regularities in PN<br />

systems than competing approaches. I have argued that since attested typologies fall out<br />

naturally from the phonologization <strong>of</strong> phonetic patterns in diachrony, there is little reason<br />

to imagine that the phonology needs to cover this same ground again, “justifying” within<br />

the competence <strong>of</strong> the individual speaker the functionalist wholesomeness <strong>of</strong><br />

phonological patterns which are already in essence a fait accompli for the language. If it<br />

is necessary at all that the phonology place restrictions on the phonetic content <strong>of</strong> the<br />

patterns it implements, it should be possible to show that there is some aspect <strong>of</strong> these<br />

patterns which cannot be accounted for through phonologization. We should not simply<br />

assume a priori that the phonological grammar contains such information because it is<br />

possible to model it in such a way. It must be clear additionally that it is necessary for us<br />

to do so.<br />

The central problem here is the aprioristic assumption that the phonological<br />

grammar must be capable both <strong>of</strong> implementing the phonological patterns <strong>of</strong> any given<br />

human language and accounting restrictively and exhaustively for the range <strong>of</strong> variation<br />

in those patterns crosslinguistically. This assumption (though prevalent in generative<br />

353

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