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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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<strong>of</strong> the typology <strong>of</strong> initial-syllable effects from a stage <strong>of</strong> the language long since ceasing<br />

to exist, an accounting which the largely-irrelevant synchronic state serves only to<br />

obscure.<br />

4.4.2. Other sources <strong>of</strong> duration in initial syllables<br />

Remarkably, the exclusion <strong>of</strong> languages with fixed initial stress in synchrony or<br />

diachrony immediately removes from our typology the overwhelming majority <strong>of</strong> vocalic<br />

initial-strength effects remarked upon in the literature. Still, a few cases, such as Bantu,<br />

cannot be explained in this manner, as there is no evidence that anything like an initial<br />

stress accent ever existed in these languages. But is lexical stress the only possible source<br />

<strong>of</strong> additional duration in initial syllable vowels? Certainly the literature on initial<br />

strengthening to date has found (to the extent that it has sought) additional duration on<br />

vowels only when these are absolute initial in the word, not preceded by an onset<br />

consonant. Otherwise, no across-the-board lengthening <strong>of</strong> initial syllable vowels has been<br />

identified experimentally. The nearest thing is found in the Korean experiments <strong>of</strong> Cho<br />

and Keating 1999, where two <strong>of</strong> four speakers show increased durations <strong>of</strong> vowels in<br />

initial #CV sequences, but only after consonants, whose VOT does not increase as a<br />

function <strong>of</strong> initial strengthening ([n] and tense t, which they transcribe as [t*]). Cho and<br />

Keating speculate on this basis that there is a compensatory relationship in the<br />

307

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