Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

1996), which is to say not fixed initial. There are, however, licensing asymmetries in
which the initial syllable is strong. Specifically, in Gujarati there is a contrast between
plain and breathy-voice vowels, but there is a strong tendency for this opposition to be
realized in initial syllables only (Silverman 1997:115) 120 . Importantly, Gujarati breathy
vowels are distinguished from clear vowels by, among either things, characteristic longer
duration (Fischer-Jørgensen 1967: 94). Additionally, while Gujarati contrasts tense and
lax mid vowels /e, o/ and /, /, this contrast is only available in the initial syllable
(Pandit 1955). The origin of this licensing asymmetry in durational differences between
initial and non-initial syllables becomes apparent when we consider the source this
pattern. Initial syllable // and // arise through the monophthongization of the earlier
diphthongs /aj/ and /aw/. Prior to this the difference between [e, o] and [, ] in initial
syllables was purely allophonic, a function of segmental context and syllable structure.
Crucially, monophthongization of /aj/ and /aw/ took place in non-initial syllables as well,
only here the outputs of this sound change merged with preexisting /e/ and /o/ (Pandit
1961: 62-63). In other words, the diphthongs have two monophthongal realizations: a
lower, presumably longer vowel in initial syllables, and a higher, presumably shorter
vowel in non-initial syllables. The change in initial syllables causes the distribution of the
120 Derived from the loss of earlier voiced aspirates or following /h/ (Ohala 1991). Its development is
probably best seen as a case of perceptual metathesis à la Blevins and Garrett 2002.
304