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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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assumption that in providing a complete account <strong>of</strong> the representation <strong>of</strong> a specific<br />

phonological process in the grammatical competence <strong>of</strong> a speaker <strong>of</strong> a given language,<br />

we will also necessarily achieve a comprehensive account <strong>of</strong> the range <strong>of</strong> typological<br />

regularities observed crosslinguistically in the patterning and attestation <strong>of</strong> all related<br />

phonological processes. This postulate, I am arguing, is both fallacious and<br />

counterproductive, as it places logically out <strong>of</strong> bounds precisely the information<br />

necessary for a full accounting <strong>of</strong> the crosslinguistic facts. By contrast, the empirical<br />

coverage <strong>of</strong> the phonologization approach (<strong>of</strong>ten based on information either irrelevant or<br />

unavailable to the individual speaker in synchrony) in accounting for phonological<br />

typology underscores this point. As evidenced throughout this study, there is simply no<br />

reason to assume that the same body <strong>of</strong> information necessarily explains both why set X<br />

and only set X variants <strong>of</strong> a phonological process exists, and also how a given speaker <strong>of</strong><br />

a language acquires and implements a single member <strong>of</strong> that set X. Put more directly, a<br />

speaker certainly needs to know that his or her language contains a given pattern, but the<br />

assumption that he or she must also know why his or her language contains that pattern<br />

(in functionalist terms) is not at all obviously supported.<br />

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