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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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since the majority <strong>of</strong> phonological initial-syllable effects take place at the lexical level.<br />

Smith notes that initial strengthening may ultimately “bolster” the pressure to demarcate<br />

the left edge <strong>of</strong> the word, but that it is not by itself enough to make initial syllables<br />

phonologically strong positions.<br />

From the point <strong>of</strong> view <strong>of</strong> the synchronic modeling <strong>of</strong> individual phonological<br />

systems, this is entirely correct. Synchronically, initial strengthening is hardly the same<br />

thing as phonological strength. Indeed, given the apparent generality <strong>of</strong> attestation <strong>of</strong> the<br />

former, it is likely that languages with specific phonological constraints on word-initial<br />

onset sonority also implement phonetic initial strengthening <strong>of</strong> prosodic-word or phrase<br />

initial material, such that, for example, a phrase-initial voiceless obstruent satisfying the<br />

phonological constraints will have greater linguopalatal contact, closure duration, and<br />

VOT than its phonological equivalent phrase-internally. Obviously, the grammar <strong>of</strong> a<br />

speaker <strong>of</strong> this language must account for the phonological distribution and the phonetic<br />

pattern separately, as distinct regularities, and within that grammar there would be little<br />

reason to imagine that the implementation <strong>of</strong> the former be necessarily contingent upon<br />

the presence or particularities <strong>of</strong> the latter.<br />

But this only addresses part <strong>of</strong> the question. Indeed, where the focus <strong>of</strong> our<br />

inquiry is on how to account for typological regularities in attested patterns <strong>of</strong> licensing<br />

asymmetries in initial position, then, as in the cases <strong>of</strong> stressed and final syllables<br />

295

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