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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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When these stressed open final syllables are followed by a consonant-initial word<br />

(subject to prosodic restrictions), however, the preference for a bimoraic stressed syllable<br />

resurfaces through a process known as raddoppiamento sintattico (Buckley cites Nespor<br />

and Vogel 1986: 165), whereby the need for a bimoraic stressed syllable results in<br />

gemination <strong>of</strong> the initial consonant <strong>of</strong> a following word, closing the final stressed<br />

syllable. This is shown in (39).<br />

(39) Raddoppiamento sintattico (Nespor and Vogel 1986: 165)<br />

a. così buono [kzibbwno] 'so good'<br />

b. caffè nero [kaffennero] 'black c<strong>of</strong>fee'<br />

c. resterà con me [resterakkomme] 'will stay with me'<br />

This is obviously a problem for the non-finality approach, since the syllable in question is<br />

in fact stressed (violating Rhythm, which was previously satisfied by avoiding final<br />

length), but nonetheless refuses to lengthen. An example similar to the Italian is that <strong>of</strong><br />

Kuku-Thaypan (Paman, Rigsby 1976), in which stressed vowels are lengthened in closed<br />

syllables and open medial syllables. In word-final open syllables, however, stressed<br />

vowels do not lengthen, but rather, a glottal stop is inserted after them. One more similar<br />

system is Lithuanian (Blevins 1993, Kenstowicz 1972), in which a rule lengthening /a/<br />

and /e/ under accent fails to apply word-finally. The problem here is the same: Since the<br />

final vowel is already stressed, there is no need to avoid lengthening it. Buckley also<br />

264

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