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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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actual opening <strong>of</strong> the velum, and in which there are intrinsic differences in the<br />

articulation <strong>of</strong> non-nasal segments. What was found was a declination such as that<br />

reported in Vayra and Fowler (1992). Here, the velum height was lower at its last peak in<br />

the sentence than it was at its first peak. The final syllable <strong>of</strong> all the test sentences was a<br />

stressed monosyllable, meaning that, were there a pattern even <strong>of</strong> local strengthening <strong>of</strong><br />

velic closure on phrase-final unstressed syllables (analogous to that detected in numerous<br />

studies for other supralaryngeal articulations), it would not have been detected. A pattern<br />

<strong>of</strong> declination throughout the phrase is, <strong>of</strong> course, very different from a localized jump or<br />

drop on final unstressed syllables. Were this declination trend part <strong>of</strong> a general<br />

weakening tendency for phrase-final material, we might reasonably expect it to result<br />

ultimately in phonologization <strong>of</strong> the pattern in some instances. Recall that the tendency to<br />

phrase-final devoicing is phonologized quite commonly for both final consonants and<br />

vowels in the languages <strong>of</strong> the world. I am not aware <strong>of</strong> any phonological system, by<br />

contrast, in which the oral/nasal contrast for consonants is neutralized word or phrase<br />

finally in favor <strong>of</strong> the nasal 105 . This suggests that prepausal vowel nasalization may well<br />

be the product <strong>of</strong> something other than velic weakening.<br />

105 The reverse, however, is attested, if rare: In certain Mbam-Nkam languages <strong>of</strong> Cameroon, final nasals in<br />

various combinations denasalize to become oral stops (Hyman 1975: 257).<br />

230

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