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(31) Russian final-stressed [kbla] ‘kabbalah’ (32) Russian medial-stressed [dkot] ‘Dakota’ 216
In other words, the creak appears on the vowel by all accounts least likely to host it, and fails to do so on its far more appropriate stressed counterpart. It is also not at all clear in light of the foregoing how to explain the properties of the final vowel in (29), [rnat] above, in which amplitude declines gradually to the end of the vowel, first with creakiness, apparently easing into voicelessness at the end (with no evidence of an actual glottal occlusion in the area). Silverman (1997) recognizes these contradictions in the context of the appearance of creakiness on low tones in Chong and Mandarin. As a solution, he proposes that the creakiness occurring in the low tone environment actually has a different source and mode of production than the creaky voice described articulatorily in most studies. Specifically, he hypothesizes that low-tone creakiness is in fact a consequence of the lowering of subglottal pressure (and hence airflow across the glottis) needed for the F0 drop, such that “the vocal folds may more readily seal the subglottal chamber, and thus are only intermittently blown apart by eventual subglottal pressure increases. This slow and irregular glottal pulse may give rise to creakiness” (1997: 151). He hypothesizes further that this may be the case with phrase-final glottalization as well. Silverman’s hypothesis is largely confirmed by the work of Slifka, reported in Hanson, Stevens, Kuo, Chen and Slifka (2001). Slifka shows that in periods of phrase- final “glottalization”, subglottal pressure is in fact gradually falling, while airflow is 217
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Positional Neutralization: A Phonol
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Abstract Positional Neutralization:
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Table of Contents Chapter 1. Introd
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3.6.3. Mixed Systems 224 3.6.4. Nas
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Acknowledgements The thanks I owe t
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Chapter 1. Introduction In this stu
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divorced from their phonetic origin
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neutralization such that some combi
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Pure Prominence advocates to assume
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1.1.1.1. Phonetic arbitrariness in
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1.1.2. Phonetically-driven Phonolog
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since it too brings the phonetic fo
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asymmetries are relatively unambigu
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crucial and common to all and adopt
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duration such as unstressed syllabl
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targets for F1). In environments su
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neutralized. Indeed, we would speak
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applying to a single phonological e
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(passim, but especially 1981 and 19
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will treat as the alteration or add
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lengthening, together potentially w
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through four. I conclude that the s
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sort demonstrated in Lindblom (1963
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predictable according to the phonol
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steady across UVR systems, the mapp
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inventories”, the only other opti
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direct result of the phonologizatio
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does not, therefore represent a leg
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question. The point is that the rel
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Another direction might explore the
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monomoraic and bimoraic vowels. Fro
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The preceding sections have shown t
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to perceptual proximity to one anot
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unstressed vowel (Crosswhite 2001:
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Bulgarian has six vowels in stresse
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elsewhere, depending on the informa
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Pettersson and Wood started their i
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discussed below in the context of R
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(known as ‘akanje’, ‘[a]-sayi
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neutralization occurring as a resul
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eduction of pretonic vowels as a si
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2.4. A UG-based approach to UVR typ
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formants to approach and enhance on
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Steriade in particular, in her semi
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emoval of “particularly loud and
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attract stress to sonorous vowels,
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which it is a priori impossible to
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Again, since the low vowel of preto
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If it is correct that, however, tha
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2.5.1. Facts Contemporary Standard
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compared to /a/, he writes that “
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tendency for domain-initial segment
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Each instance of the failure of red
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sentences was a real-word trisyllab
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(10) Russian second pretonic /a/, /
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vowel, and phrase-final position),
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phonetic implementations as a funct
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lengthening of vowels in first pret
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story of articulatory approximation
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pretonic syllables, however, only o
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unstressed /e/ toward [u], finally
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phonetic and phonological perspecti
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should not, and those predictions a
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position as a licenser of contrasts
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insofar as we have seen how positio
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elevant to the present study for th
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effect which is potentially univers
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word-final syllables. Still, the pr
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to be restricted in many languages
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their realizations, determined by b
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(17) Hausa medial short vowels a. [
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Penny (1969: 148-149) gives the vow
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To this we can add facts from neigh
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notion of umlaut or metaphony being
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dialects, Walker notes the differen
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position in the way that, e.g., ret
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is illustrative, but by no means ex
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d. Brazilian Portuguese (Romance) (
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h. English (Germanic)(Hammond 1997)
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hence subphonemic durational featur
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n. Timugon Murut (Austronesian, NE
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(underlying) long vowels 71 , and p
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final lengthening have detected the
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the ends of phrases. They hypothesi
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opposite pattern in both phonetic s
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With respect to the syllable-struct
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strengthened significantly, while v
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Page 183 and 184: internal unstressed syllables in th
Page 185 and 186: application (in whatever form) is n
Page 187 and 188: syllable vowel (that which appeared
Page 189 and 190: unified phonologization scenario ac
Page 191 and 192: As for the non-high vowels in preto
Page 193 and 194: ack” (Kroeger 1992: 280). Kroeger
Page 195 and 196: stressed [o], preventing it from be
Page 197 and 198: schwa in normal speech (1993: 38).
Page 199 and 200: environment, deriving a number of d
Page 201 and 202: are responsible for the phonologica
Page 203 and 204: section). A second generalization w
Page 205 and 206: latter case the same feature is imp
Page 207 and 208: well-known, for example, that short
Page 209 and 210: language Dasenech (Sasse 1976), wou
Page 211 and 212: Another possibility is that devoici
Page 213 and 214: contexts, however, h-epenthesis is
Page 215 and 216: supralaryngeal strengthening in thi
Page 217 and 218: inherently problematic from a produ
Page 219 and 220: lengthening in Dutch by Cambier-Lan
Page 221 and 222: contradictions this entails describ
Page 223 and 224: preceding consonants, etc.). It see
Page 225: Gordon and Ladefoged mention alloph
Page 229 and 230: phrase-final devoicing seems to be
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Page 233 and 234: their common properties, restoring
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Page 237 and 238: (Brame 1972), and D’irayta (Haywa
Page 239 and 240: monolithic weakening environment. H
Page 241 and 242: Another study, in fact, that of Vas
Page 243 and 244: velic opening. There has been much
Page 245 and 246: The same pattern is found in anothe
Page 247 and 248: lengthening-plus-intrinsic-nasaliza
Page 249 and 250: commonly enough resolved with glott
Page 251 and 252: nasal consonant, and the vowel rema
Page 253 and 254: . Ongota (affiliation uncertain - C
Page 255 and 256: combination of phonetic strengtheni
Page 257 and 258: mentioned. Often deletion is preced
Page 259 and 260: f. Kandahari Pashto (Elfenbein 1997
Page 261 and 262: for some speakers of Brazilian Port
Page 263 and 264: discussion of devoicing, above, tha
Page 265 and 266: (36) Russian phrase-final [blot] 's
Page 267 and 268: drastically decreased, as an alread
Page 269 and 270: lengthening the latter parts of the
Page 271 and 272: Avoidance of length contrasts word-
Page 273 and 274: While the non-finality of stress ap
Page 275 and 276: points out the case of Luganda (Hym
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syllables are apparently required t
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with non-modal phonation or devoici
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3.7.2. Final short vowel avoidance
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generally between 95 and 125 in the
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e considered from a crosslinguistic
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Chapter 4. Initial Syllables Domain
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know of the relevant phonetic facts
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lengthening or lowering the sonorit
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asymmetries it carries, is what Smi
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phonological licensing in question
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eason to favor the one strategy ove
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Before turning to the attested case
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initial consonant serves to enhance
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existence of the former, and I will
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since the majority of phonological
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eduction to schwa in Russian and in
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assumption that in providing a comp
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initial and non-initial vowels from
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durational asymmetry was absent alt
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low mid vowels to become unpredicta
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of the typology of initial-syllable
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there could in principle be a phone
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ackness of non-initial vowels is ge
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fricatives, which in retrospect may
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(44) Mean vowel durations for Engli
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initial strengthening in languages
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Word-initial: U[Phr[istanbuldaki W[
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syllables than the other speakers.
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Concerning the language-specific na
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4.5.3. Consequences of domain-initi
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All these cases, while not in fact
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in chapter 2, however, among the un
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advice for teachers of non-standard
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Inkelas et al. (2001), building on
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demonstrated above, however, initia
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Assuming now that Vowels 1 and 2 in
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This account derives palatal vowel
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vowels in Luganda and Runyambo. Hub
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the UVR systems of Yakan, Timugon M
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4.6. Summary In this chapter I have
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why we find such systems in Turkic
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Chapter 5. Conclusions 5.1. Phonolo
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perfectly understandable in the pho
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as the durational asymmetries in qu
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model of phonetics-phonology incorp
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of effort necessary to reach a low
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(specified by Minimum Distance cons
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duration for /a/~/o/ in this positi
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unstressed syllables in a given lan
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patterns such as those treated in t
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References Abondolo, Daniel. 1998a.
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Balasubramanian, T. 1981. Duration
Page 381 and 382:
Blevins, Juliette. 1993. A tonal an
Page 383 and 384:
Browman, Catherine P. and Louis Gol
Page 385 and 386:
Chen, Matthew. 1973. Nasals and nas
Page 387 and 388:
Dauer, Rebecca M. 1987. Phonetic an
Page 389 and 390:
Farnetani, Edda and Shiro Kori. 199
Page 391 and 392:
Garrett, Andrew and Juliette Blevin
Page 393 and 394:
Hayes, Bruce. 1997. Phonetically-dr
Page 395 and 396:
Hyde, Villiana. 1971. An introducti
Page 397 and 398:
Janiak, BronisΩawa. 1995. Polsko-U
Page 399 and 400:
Keating, Patricia, Richard Wright a
Page 401 and 402:
Kroeger, Paul. 1992. Vowel harmony
Page 403 and 404:
Liphola, Marcelino M. 2001. Aspects
Page 405 and 406:
Miller, Carolyn. 1993 Kadazan/Dusun
Page 407 and 408:
Nord, Lennart. 1987. Acoustic studi
Page 409 and 410:
Penny, Ralph. 1986. Sandhi phenomen
Page 411 and 412:
Rietveld, A. C. M. and U. H. Frauen
Page 413 and 414:
Schuh, Russell G. and Lawan D. Yalw
Page 415 and 416:
Steriade, Donca. 2001. Directional
Page 417 and 418:
Tuttle, Siri. 2000. Duration, inton
Page 419 and 420:
Wolgemuth, Carl. 1969. Isthmus Vera
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