Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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Since the final syllable is the most unrestricted licenser in the word in Murut, it is tempting to imagine that this perhaps owes to some particularly outstanding phonetic prominence, a prominence which allows it to excel even the stressed syllable in licensing capacity. This, however, would in all likelihood be incorrect. I have no instrumental data on Timugon Murut from which to determine the precise prosodic characteristics of the final syllable, but a diachronic approach to the problem makes clear both the source of the current distribution of vowels in the language and the prominence relationships which must have led to them. Two preliminary facts are necessary to understanding the situation: First, the vowel transcribed ‘o’ in Murut (and many related neighboring languages) is generally not realized as IPA [o]. In Timugon Murut this vowel is [o] only before [w] (Prentice 1971: 19). The base symbol used by Prentice in phonetic transcription, [], is also somewhat misleading, as the vowel is realized with this quality only before velar consonants in closed syllables. The elsewhere realization of ‘o’ in this language is apparently something more like [], what Prentice describes as a “voiced lower-mid central half-rounded vocoid” (1971: 19). Realization of this vowel also varies significantly among the Murutic, Dusunic, and Paitanic languages of the area (Boutin and Pekkanen 1993). In Kimaragang (Dusunic, Kroeger 1992), it is realized as [] under stress, while other Dusunic languages have it as “a back unrounded or only slightly rounded vowel, roughly [], with considerable tensing of the tongue 182
ack” (Kroeger 1992: 280). Kroeger even refers to it as “the neutral vowel” in Kimaragang. None of this is unexpected, though, in light of a second consideration: the historical source of /o/ in most cases in the languages in question is *PAN // (Robert Blust, p.c.). While the system of realizations of the pretonic vowels differ significantly among some of the languages in question, Timugon Murut shares with Dusunic Kimaragang its distribution of [o] in the penultimate and final syllables (Kroeber 1992). This is the older part of the system, the pretonic harmony being secondary. It is the development of this part of the system, additionally, which gives the lie to the assumption that the final is in some way prosodically stronger than the tonic, or that rounding has some need to be anchored to the word edge (as Walker argues for Oroqen). Facts of the emergence of the distribution of [o] in these positions are the following (*PAN and *Proto-Malayo- Polynesian reconstructions from Blust 1999, 2000, Dusunic Tatana’ forms from Pekkanen 1993, Kadazan/Dusun from Miller 1993): *PAN // becomes /o/ regularly in final syllables. (23) *PAN // in the Murutic and Dusunic final syllables *PMP tanm > TM tanom ‘plant’ *PAN qaNb > Tatana’ aob ‘door’ *PAN Sips > Tatana’ lipos ‘cockroach’ *PMP nipn > Tatana’ dipon ‘tooth’ 183
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Positional Neutralization: A Phonol
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Abstract Positional Neutralization:
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Table of Contents Chapter 1. Introd
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3.6.3. Mixed Systems 224 3.6.4. Nas
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Acknowledgements The thanks I owe t
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Chapter 1. Introduction In this stu
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divorced from their phonetic origin
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neutralization such that some combi
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Pure Prominence advocates to assume
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1.1.1.1. Phonetic arbitrariness in
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1.1.2. Phonetically-driven Phonolog
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since it too brings the phonetic fo
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asymmetries are relatively unambigu
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crucial and common to all and adopt
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duration such as unstressed syllabl
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targets for F1). In environments su
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neutralized. Indeed, we would speak
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applying to a single phonological e
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(passim, but especially 1981 and 19
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will treat as the alteration or add
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lengthening, together potentially w
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through four. I conclude that the s
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sort demonstrated in Lindblom (1963
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predictable according to the phonol
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steady across UVR systems, the mapp
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inventories”, the only other opti
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direct result of the phonologizatio
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does not, therefore represent a leg
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question. The point is that the rel
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Another direction might explore the
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monomoraic and bimoraic vowels. Fro
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The preceding sections have shown t
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to perceptual proximity to one anot
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unstressed vowel (Crosswhite 2001:
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Bulgarian has six vowels in stresse
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elsewhere, depending on the informa
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Pettersson and Wood started their i
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discussed below in the context of R
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(known as ‘akanje’, ‘[a]-sayi
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neutralization occurring as a resul
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eduction of pretonic vowels as a si
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2.4. A UG-based approach to UVR typ
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formants to approach and enhance on
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Steriade in particular, in her semi
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emoval of “particularly loud and
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attract stress to sonorous vowels,
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which it is a priori impossible to
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Again, since the low vowel of preto
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If it is correct that, however, tha
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2.5.1. Facts Contemporary Standard
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compared to /a/, he writes that “
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tendency for domain-initial segment
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Each instance of the failure of red
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sentences was a real-word trisyllab
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(10) Russian second pretonic /a/, /
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vowel, and phrase-final position),
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phonetic implementations as a funct
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lengthening of vowels in first pret
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story of articulatory approximation
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pretonic syllables, however, only o
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unstressed /e/ toward [u], finally
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phonetic and phonological perspecti
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should not, and those predictions a
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position as a licenser of contrasts
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insofar as we have seen how positio
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elevant to the present study for th
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effect which is potentially univers
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word-final syllables. Still, the pr
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to be restricted in many languages
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their realizations, determined by b
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Page 143 and 144: Penny (1969: 148-149) gives the vow
Page 145 and 146: To this we can add facts from neigh
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Page 149 and 150: dialects, Walker notes the differen
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Page 155 and 156: d. Brazilian Portuguese (Romance) (
Page 157 and 158: h. English (Germanic)(Hammond 1997)
Page 159 and 160: hence subphonemic durational featur
Page 161 and 162: n. Timugon Murut (Austronesian, NE
Page 163 and 164: (underlying) long vowels 71 , and p
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Page 167 and 168: the ends of phrases. They hypothesi
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Page 171 and 172: With respect to the syllable-struct
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Page 179 and 180: asymmetry plays a role as well. In
Page 181 and 182: final strength effects are often fo
Page 183 and 184: internal unstressed syllables in th
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Page 191: As for the non-high vowels in preto
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Page 197 and 198: schwa in normal speech (1993: 38).
Page 199 and 200: environment, deriving a number of d
Page 201 and 202: are responsible for the phonologica
Page 203 and 204: section). A second generalization w
Page 205 and 206: latter case the same feature is imp
Page 207 and 208: well-known, for example, that short
Page 209 and 210: language Dasenech (Sasse 1976), wou
Page 211 and 212: Another possibility is that devoici
Page 213 and 214: contexts, however, h-epenthesis is
Page 215 and 216: supralaryngeal strengthening in thi
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Page 223 and 224: preceding consonants, etc.). It see
Page 225 and 226: Gordon and Ladefoged mention alloph
Page 227 and 228: In other words, the creak appears o
Page 229 and 230: phrase-final devoicing seems to be
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Page 233 and 234: their common properties, restoring
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Page 237 and 238: (Brame 1972), and D’irayta (Haywa
Page 239 and 240: monolithic weakening environment. H
Page 241 and 242: Another study, in fact, that of Vas
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velic opening. There has been much
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The same pattern is found in anothe
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lengthening-plus-intrinsic-nasaliza
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commonly enough resolved with glott
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nasal consonant, and the vowel rema
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. Ongota (affiliation uncertain - C
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combination of phonetic strengtheni
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mentioned. Often deletion is preced
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f. Kandahari Pashto (Elfenbein 1997
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for some speakers of Brazilian Port
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discussion of devoicing, above, tha
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(36) Russian phrase-final [blot] 's
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drastically decreased, as an alread
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lengthening the latter parts of the
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Avoidance of length contrasts word-
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While the non-finality of stress ap
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points out the case of Luganda (Hym
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syllables are apparently required t
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with non-modal phonation or devoici
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3.7.2. Final short vowel avoidance
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generally between 95 and 125 in the
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e considered from a crosslinguistic
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Chapter 4. Initial Syllables Domain
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know of the relevant phonetic facts
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lengthening or lowering the sonorit
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asymmetries it carries, is what Smi
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phonological licensing in question
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eason to favor the one strategy ove
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Before turning to the attested case
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initial consonant serves to enhance
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existence of the former, and I will
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since the majority of phonological
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eduction to schwa in Russian and in
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assumption that in providing a comp
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initial and non-initial vowels from
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durational asymmetry was absent alt
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low mid vowels to become unpredicta
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of the typology of initial-syllable
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there could in principle be a phone
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ackness of non-initial vowels is ge
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fricatives, which in retrospect may
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(44) Mean vowel durations for Engli
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initial strengthening in languages
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Word-initial: U[Phr[istanbuldaki W[
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syllables than the other speakers.
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Concerning the language-specific na
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4.5.3. Consequences of domain-initi
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All these cases, while not in fact
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in chapter 2, however, among the un
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advice for teachers of non-standard
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Inkelas et al. (2001), building on
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demonstrated above, however, initia
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Assuming now that Vowels 1 and 2 in
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This account derives palatal vowel
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vowels in Luganda and Runyambo. Hub
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the UVR systems of Yakan, Timugon M
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4.6. Summary In this chapter I have
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why we find such systems in Turkic
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Chapter 5. Conclusions 5.1. Phonolo
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perfectly understandable in the pho
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as the durational asymmetries in qu
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model of phonetics-phonology incorp
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of effort necessary to reach a low
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(specified by Minimum Distance cons
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duration for /a/~/o/ in this positi
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unstressed syllables in a given lan
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patterns such as those treated in t
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References Abondolo, Daniel. 1998a.
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Balasubramanian, T. 1981. Duration
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Blevins, Juliette. 1993. A tonal an
Page 383 and 384:
Browman, Catherine P. and Louis Gol
Page 385 and 386:
Chen, Matthew. 1973. Nasals and nas
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Dauer, Rebecca M. 1987. Phonetic an
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Farnetani, Edda and Shiro Kori. 199
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Garrett, Andrew and Juliette Blevin
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Hayes, Bruce. 1997. Phonetically-dr
Page 395 and 396:
Hyde, Villiana. 1971. An introducti
Page 397 and 398:
Janiak, BronisΩawa. 1995. Polsko-U
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Keating, Patricia, Richard Wright a
Page 401 and 402:
Kroeger, Paul. 1992. Vowel harmony
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Liphola, Marcelino M. 2001. Aspects
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Miller, Carolyn. 1993 Kadazan/Dusun
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Nord, Lennart. 1987. Acoustic studi
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Penny, Ralph. 1986. Sandhi phenomen
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Rietveld, A. C. M. and U. H. Frauen
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Schuh, Russell G. and Lawan D. Yalw
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Steriade, Donca. 2001. Directional
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Tuttle, Siri. 2000. Duration, inton
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Wolgemuth, Carl. 1969. Isthmus Vera
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