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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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1.1.1.1. Phonetic arbitrariness in Pure Prominence models<br />

Otherwise significant differences between these two approaches will not be <strong>of</strong><br />

concern here 2 . What is noteworthy in this context rather is the arbitrary relationship<br />

between the positions “stressed syllable” or “unstressed syllable” and the features [hi]<br />

and [lo] defining mid vowels. As it happens, precisely this combination <strong>of</strong> positions and<br />

features is necessary with great frequency crosslinguistically, and thus raises few<br />

eyebrows in its formalization as above. But as far as the phonology is concerned, there is<br />

no reason why these statements should be preferred over the combination <strong>of</strong> the same<br />

positions with any other sets <strong>of</strong> features, e.g. *[anterior]/unstressed σ. Models not<br />

assuming universality <strong>of</strong> positional strength or weakness, furthermore, such as the accent<br />

approach to stem-initial prominence in Kukuya, are in principle free to designate any<br />

position strong or weak in this manner, regardless <strong>of</strong> crosslinguistic concerns <strong>of</strong> phonetic<br />

plausibility. Any one combination <strong>of</strong> feature with position is considered just as well-<br />

formed from the point <strong>of</strong> view <strong>of</strong> the phonology as any other combination <strong>of</strong> feature with<br />

position, whether or not there is any reason to suppose that that feature is in any way<br />

2 Zoll’s reason for advocating the <strong>Positional</strong> Markedness approach for certain cases was due to the<br />

existence <strong>of</strong> patterns <strong>of</strong> positional neutralization in which material banned from weak positions migrates to<br />

the strong position and is realized there. The core concept <strong>of</strong> <strong>Positional</strong> Faithfulness, that it is more<br />

important not to alter input representations in strong positions than elsewhere cannot accommodate this<br />

pattern, since in moving the marked features from weak position to strong it has precisely the effect <strong>of</strong><br />

altering the input specifications <strong>of</strong> the strong position. This is precisely the kind <strong>of</strong> issue which this<br />

dissertation argues should concern phonologists modeling positional neutralization in the grammar.<br />

9

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