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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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<strong>of</strong> the new vowel. In the case <strong>of</strong> positional neutralization, however, the presence <strong>of</strong> the<br />

higher-ranked positional faithfulness constraint (Ident[hi]/σ) mandates faithful realization<br />

<strong>of</strong> the feature [hi] specifically in stressed syllables, and has the effect <strong>of</strong> allowing input<br />

mid vowels located therein alone to surface, while all in all other cases they are barred<br />

from the output representation. This is illustrated below in the tableau in (2) 1 .<br />

(2) No mid vowels in unstressed syllables - <strong>Positional</strong> Faithfulness<br />

/CeCé/ Ident[hi]/σ@ *Mid Ident[hi]<br />

! CiCé * *<br />

CeCé **!<br />

CiCí *! **<br />

(1b) on the other hand is a system <strong>of</strong> positional markedness constraints <strong>of</strong> the type<br />

proposed in Zoll 1997 which accomplishes the same banishment <strong>of</strong> mid vowels from<br />

unstressed syllables. In this system, a general markedness constraint against mid vowels<br />

is outranked by a general faithfulness constraint for the feature [hi]. The higher-ranking<br />

positional markedness constraint *MidV/unstressed σ, however, has the effect <strong>of</strong> leaving<br />

intact only input mid vowels located in stressed syllables.<br />

1 Additional constraints necessary to ensure raising rather than lowering <strong>of</strong> unstressed mid vowels are not<br />

shown. Specifically, Ident[lo] would have to outrank Ident[hi] to make a change <strong>of</strong> [-hi] to [+hi] more<br />

acceptable than the analogous alteration for [lo]<br />

8

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