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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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hence subphonemic durational features must be available to the lexical phonology. This,<br />

however, cannot be right for the following reason: Kirchner ignores Casali’s claim that<br />

centralization applies to word-final vowels only postlexically, while its internal<br />

application is lexical and obligatory/non-rate-dependent. The lexical application, then, is<br />

clearly not conditioned by subphonemic variations in duration, while the postlexical<br />

application seems to be. This, then, is another instance <strong>of</strong> the categorical application <strong>of</strong> a<br />

process word-internally, with gradient application word-finally. Additional support for<br />

this view comes from the application <strong>of</strong> the clearly-lexical rounding harmony. Casali<br />

notes (p. 653, note 4) that in addition to its lexical application, rounding harmony also<br />

applies postlexically across a word-boundary to (postlexically) centralized phrase-internal<br />

word-final vowels. This postlexical application, however, is “optional”, and produces<br />

final vowels <strong>of</strong> only “an intermediate degree <strong>of</strong> rounding” (viz. applies gradiently).<br />

Clearly then both centralization and rounding harmony apply both categorically in the<br />

lexical phonology and gradiently in the postlexical phonology. Further pro<strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong> the dual<br />

nature <strong>of</strong> these processes comes from the absolute initial vowels. The exceptionality <strong>of</strong><br />

these is clearly due historically to increased duration. Synchronically, however, absolute<br />

initial vowels never centralize even postlexically (p. 655), and hence are never subject to<br />

rounding harmony lexical or postlexical (which is to say, their exceptionality, previously<br />

a function <strong>of</strong> their phonetic duration, has since been phonologized, such that it is now<br />

149

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