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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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neutralization such that some combination <strong>of</strong> these features (i.e. voicing, aspiration,<br />

glottalization) can be freely contrasted in syllable onsets, but see their ability to contrast<br />

neutralized in syllable codas (see Steriade 1997 for details and analysis). Phonetic facts<br />

are <strong>of</strong>ten enough implicated more or less uncontroversially in the explanation <strong>of</strong> the<br />

diachronic development <strong>of</strong> such systems. In coda position, for example, the lack <strong>of</strong> a stop<br />

burst or CV transitions following the consonant may make the features in question more<br />

difficult to perceive, and hence more prone to effacement. C-place features are known to<br />

suffer similarly under the same conditions. Less obvious, however, is the extent to which<br />

this phonetic information is necessary or desirable in a synchronic model <strong>of</strong> positional<br />

neutralization.<br />

1.1.1. Pure Prominence<br />

Some approaches to positional neutralization are largely unconcerned with the<br />

phonetic motivations for the alternations they model (Beckman 1998, Zoll 1997, inter<br />

alia). While these Pure Prominence models differ from one another in substantive and<br />

principled ways, they share the basic assumption that positional licensing restrictions are<br />

best expressed in the grammar through constraints which have reference to a fixed set <strong>of</strong><br />

phonological features and positions. Strong and weak positions are essentially listed as<br />

such, and are freely combinable with phonological features to produce constraints<br />

5

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