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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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notion <strong>of</strong> umlaut or metaphony being motivated primarily by the perceptual weakness <strong>of</strong><br />

the trigger (as opposed to its phonetic salience, as Steriade suggests for Pasiego) is<br />

central to Ohala’s theory <strong>of</strong> sound change (as in e.g. Ohala 1993, discussed below). Its<br />

isolation as the feature differentiating harmonies proceeding from non-prominent to<br />

prominent positions (perception-based) from those from operating from prominent to<br />

non-prominent (articulation-based) is the central thesis <strong>of</strong> McCormick (1982), and is<br />

explored more recently in Majors (1998: 160-167) and Walker (2001).<br />

From a diachronic point <strong>of</strong> view such patterns have a relatively straightforward<br />

explanation. Specifically, they are examples <strong>of</strong> hypocorrective change, in the Ohalian<br />

parlance (Ohala passim , but especially e.g. 1993). The term hypocorrective change refers<br />

to instances in which the listener hears, for example, the coarticulatory effect on a vowel<br />

<strong>of</strong> a neighboring segment, but rather than correctly attributing it to its actual source and<br />

disregarding it, or taking it as a remote cue for the identity <strong>of</strong> the source segment, the<br />

speaker instead takes the extended feature to be a property <strong>of</strong> the vowel in question, and<br />

constructs a new underlying representation for the form as result. A simple example<br />

would be the development <strong>of</strong> a contrastively nasal vowel from an earlier vowel-nasal<br />

sequence. In Ohala’s schema, the speaker, with a UR <strong>of</strong> /VN/, produces the coarticulated<br />

sequence [vN]. The listener then fails to attribute the nasalization he or she hears to the<br />

following nasal consonant, hearing instead [v], and believing this to be the speaker’s<br />

137

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