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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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3.2.1. Tone in final position<br />

One type <strong>of</strong> phonological strength effect that has been thoroughly documented in<br />

final position is the tendency toward preferential licensing <strong>of</strong> contour tones on final<br />

syllables. Zhang (2001), building on Gordon’s (1999) crosslinguistic study <strong>of</strong> the<br />

phonetic properties associated with tone-bearing segments, provides evidence for the<br />

strength <strong>of</strong> prosodic-final syllables with respect to contour tones. Zhang cites the<br />

behavior <strong>of</strong> contour tones in Kikuyu, shown in (15), as an example <strong>of</strong> this pattern.<br />

(15) Contour tones in Kikuyu: phrase-final vs. non-final<br />

a. kariok moea -> kariok moea ‘good Kiriuki’<br />

3g6 56 3g # 56<br />

L H L L H L<br />

b. kariok -> kariok ‘Kiriuki’<br />

3g6 3g6 #<br />

L H L H<br />

In the non-prosodic-final context in (a), the floating high tone alone occupies the final<br />

syllable <strong>of</strong> the noun, while the low tone is realized only on the first two syllables. In the<br />

prosodic-final context in (b), by contrast, the high associates to the final syllable, forming<br />

a contour with the preceding low. Zhang explains this pattern as a consequence <strong>of</strong> the<br />

additional phonetic duration associated with domain-final syllables. Contour tones, for<br />

obvious reasons requiring more duration for their realization than other tones, are shown<br />

126

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