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(11) Russian first pretonic /a/, /o/: F1 vs. Duration F1 in Hz 800 700 600 500 400 300 200 100 0 First Pretonic /a/ and /o/ 0 20 40 60 80 100 120 Duration in ms. In second pretonic syllables, then, vowel height is largely a function of phonetically-assigned duration, varying in accord with such factors as speech rate and degree of final lengthening. There is little reason, in light of this, to imagine that the phonological specification of this vowel is any different from that of any other [a] (
vowel, and phrase-final position), and likewise exactly as far from [a] as durational restrictions in other cases force it to be. First pretonic /a, o/ may simply have its own F1 target specification, narrowly enough defined so as not to be influenced by durational pressures 32 . Another interpretation of the results above, though, is simply that the durations of first pretonic vowels never actually got low enough in my experiment to make their influence felt consistently on F1. Under this interpretation, then, all unstressed syllables share a single F1 target. First pretonic syllables can now be seen as just one position among several (absolute initial, phrase-final, hiatus) in which sufficient duration is present that pressure to raise [a] to [] is not significant. [a] in syllables in which reduction to schwa does take place share the same F1 target as [a] in the first pretonic syllable. This target window is wide enough, however, that variation can occur when durational pressures are great enough 33 . The scatter plot below in (12) superimposes the results shown above in (10) and (11), providing dramatic confirmation of the view the above interpretation. Viewing the results for Degree 1 and Degree 2 reduction contexts together, we can see that F1 values 32 Whether that specification is independent of the specification of stressed /a/, as the literature suggests, or is in some way just reflecting conditioned variation (window resizing in the terms discussed in Chapter 1) of the specification for stressed /a/ is a matter to be determined through further empirical inquiry. 33 The assumption of a single target, as discussed in chapter 1, is consistent with the interpretation that reduction to schwa is not phonological, all unstressed instances of /a/ having the same featural representation in the phonology. It is not, however, a necessary consequence of that representation. 101
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Positional Neutralization: A Phonol
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Abstract Positional Neutralization:
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Table of Contents Chapter 1. Introd
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3.6.3. Mixed Systems 224 3.6.4. Nas
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Acknowledgements The thanks I owe t
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Chapter 1. Introduction In this stu
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divorced from their phonetic origin
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neutralization such that some combi
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Pure Prominence advocates to assume
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1.1.1.1. Phonetic arbitrariness in
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1.1.2. Phonetically-driven Phonolog
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since it too brings the phonetic fo
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asymmetries are relatively unambigu
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crucial and common to all and adopt
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duration such as unstressed syllabl
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targets for F1). In environments su
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neutralized. Indeed, we would speak
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applying to a single phonological e
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(passim, but especially 1981 and 19
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will treat as the alteration or add
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lengthening, together potentially w
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through four. I conclude that the s
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sort demonstrated in Lindblom (1963
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predictable according to the phonol
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steady across UVR systems, the mapp
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inventories”, the only other opti
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direct result of the phonologizatio
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does not, therefore represent a leg
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question. The point is that the rel
Page 59 and 60: Another direction might explore the
Page 61 and 62: monomoraic and bimoraic vowels. Fro
Page 63 and 64: The preceding sections have shown t
Page 65 and 66: to perceptual proximity to one anot
Page 67 and 68: unstressed vowel (Crosswhite 2001:
Page 69 and 70: Bulgarian has six vowels in stresse
Page 71 and 72: elsewhere, depending on the informa
Page 73 and 74: Pettersson and Wood started their i
Page 75 and 76: discussed below in the context of R
Page 77 and 78: (known as ‘akanje’, ‘[a]-sayi
Page 79 and 80: neutralization occurring as a resul
Page 81 and 82: eduction of pretonic vowels as a si
Page 83 and 84: 2.4. A UG-based approach to UVR typ
Page 85 and 86: formants to approach and enhance on
Page 87 and 88: Steriade in particular, in her semi
Page 89 and 90: emoval of “particularly loud and
Page 91 and 92: attract stress to sonorous vowels,
Page 93 and 94: which it is a priori impossible to
Page 95 and 96: Again, since the low vowel of preto
Page 97 and 98: If it is correct that, however, tha
Page 99 and 100: 2.5.1. Facts Contemporary Standard
Page 101 and 102: compared to /a/, he writes that “
Page 103 and 104: tendency for domain-initial segment
Page 105 and 106: Each instance of the failure of red
Page 107 and 108: sentences was a real-word trisyllab
Page 109: (10) Russian second pretonic /a/, /
Page 113 and 114: phonetic implementations as a funct
Page 115 and 116: lengthening of vowels in first pret
Page 117 and 118: story of articulatory approximation
Page 119 and 120: pretonic syllables, however, only o
Page 121 and 122: unstressed /e/ toward [u], finally
Page 123 and 124: phonetic and phonological perspecti
Page 125 and 126: should not, and those predictions a
Page 127 and 128: position as a licenser of contrasts
Page 129 and 130: insofar as we have seen how positio
Page 131 and 132: elevant to the present study for th
Page 133 and 134: effect which is potentially univers
Page 135 and 136: word-final syllables. Still, the pr
Page 137 and 138: to be restricted in many languages
Page 139 and 140: their realizations, determined by b
Page 141 and 142: (17) Hausa medial short vowels a. [
Page 143 and 144: Penny (1969: 148-149) gives the vow
Page 145 and 146: To this we can add facts from neigh
Page 147 and 148: notion of umlaut or metaphony being
Page 149 and 150: dialects, Walker notes the differen
Page 151 and 152: position in the way that, e.g., ret
Page 153 and 154: is illustrative, but by no means ex
Page 155 and 156: d. Brazilian Portuguese (Romance) (
Page 157 and 158: h. English (Germanic)(Hammond 1997)
Page 159 and 160: hence subphonemic durational featur
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n. Timugon Murut (Austronesian, NE
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(underlying) long vowels 71 , and p
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final lengthening have detected the
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the ends of phrases. They hypothesi
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opposite pattern in both phonetic s
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With respect to the syllable-struct
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strengthened significantly, while v
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strength effects in final position,
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equivalent of unstressed vowel redu
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asymmetry plays a role as well. In
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final strength effects are often fo
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internal unstressed syllables in th
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application (in whatever form) is n
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syllable vowel (that which appeared
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unified phonologization scenario ac
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As for the non-high vowels in preto
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ack” (Kroeger 1992: 280). Kroeger
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stressed [o], preventing it from be
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schwa in normal speech (1993: 38).
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environment, deriving a number of d
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are responsible for the phonologica
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section). A second generalization w
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latter case the same feature is imp
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well-known, for example, that short
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language Dasenech (Sasse 1976), wou
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Another possibility is that devoici
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contexts, however, h-epenthesis is
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supralaryngeal strengthening in thi
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inherently problematic from a produ
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lengthening in Dutch by Cambier-Lan
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contradictions this entails describ
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preceding consonants, etc.). It see
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Gordon and Ladefoged mention alloph
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In other words, the creak appears o
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phrase-final devoicing seems to be
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targeted, and hence realized as glo
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their common properties, restoring
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when following voiced consonants or
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(Brame 1972), and D’irayta (Haywa
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monolithic weakening environment. H
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Another study, in fact, that of Vas
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velic opening. There has been much
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The same pattern is found in anothe
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lengthening-plus-intrinsic-nasaliza
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commonly enough resolved with glott
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nasal consonant, and the vowel rema
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. Ongota (affiliation uncertain - C
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combination of phonetic strengtheni
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mentioned. Often deletion is preced
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f. Kandahari Pashto (Elfenbein 1997
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for some speakers of Brazilian Port
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discussion of devoicing, above, tha
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(36) Russian phrase-final [blot] 's
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drastically decreased, as an alread
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lengthening the latter parts of the
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Avoidance of length contrasts word-
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While the non-finality of stress ap
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points out the case of Luganda (Hym
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syllables are apparently required t
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with non-modal phonation or devoici
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3.7.2. Final short vowel avoidance
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generally between 95 and 125 in the
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e considered from a crosslinguistic
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Chapter 4. Initial Syllables Domain
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know of the relevant phonetic facts
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lengthening or lowering the sonorit
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asymmetries it carries, is what Smi
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phonological licensing in question
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eason to favor the one strategy ove
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Before turning to the attested case
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initial consonant serves to enhance
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existence of the former, and I will
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since the majority of phonological
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eduction to schwa in Russian and in
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assumption that in providing a comp
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initial and non-initial vowels from
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durational asymmetry was absent alt
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low mid vowels to become unpredicta
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of the typology of initial-syllable
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there could in principle be a phone
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ackness of non-initial vowels is ge
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fricatives, which in retrospect may
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(44) Mean vowel durations for Engli
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initial strengthening in languages
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Word-initial: U[Phr[istanbuldaki W[
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syllables than the other speakers.
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Concerning the language-specific na
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4.5.3. Consequences of domain-initi
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All these cases, while not in fact
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in chapter 2, however, among the un
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advice for teachers of non-standard
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Inkelas et al. (2001), building on
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demonstrated above, however, initia
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Assuming now that Vowels 1 and 2 in
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This account derives palatal vowel
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vowels in Luganda and Runyambo. Hub
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the UVR systems of Yakan, Timugon M
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4.6. Summary In this chapter I have
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why we find such systems in Turkic
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Chapter 5. Conclusions 5.1. Phonolo
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perfectly understandable in the pho
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as the durational asymmetries in qu
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model of phonetics-phonology incorp
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of effort necessary to reach a low
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(specified by Minimum Distance cons
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duration for /a/~/o/ in this positi
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unstressed syllables in a given lan
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patterns such as those treated in t
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References Abondolo, Daniel. 1998a.
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Balasubramanian, T. 1981. Duration
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Blevins, Juliette. 1993. A tonal an
Page 383 and 384:
Browman, Catherine P. and Louis Gol
Page 385 and 386:
Chen, Matthew. 1973. Nasals and nas
Page 387 and 388:
Dauer, Rebecca M. 1987. Phonetic an
Page 389 and 390:
Farnetani, Edda and Shiro Kori. 199
Page 391 and 392:
Garrett, Andrew and Juliette Blevin
Page 393 and 394:
Hayes, Bruce. 1997. Phonetically-dr
Page 395 and 396:
Hyde, Villiana. 1971. An introducti
Page 397 and 398:
Janiak, BronisΩawa. 1995. Polsko-U
Page 399 and 400:
Keating, Patricia, Richard Wright a
Page 401 and 402:
Kroeger, Paul. 1992. Vowel harmony
Page 403 and 404:
Liphola, Marcelino M. 2001. Aspects
Page 405 and 406:
Miller, Carolyn. 1993 Kadazan/Dusun
Page 407 and 408:
Nord, Lennart. 1987. Acoustic studi
Page 409 and 410:
Penny, Ralph. 1986. Sandhi phenomen
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Rietveld, A. C. M. and U. H. Frauen
Page 413 and 414:
Schuh, Russell G. and Lawan D. Yalw
Page 415 and 416:
Steriade, Donca. 2001. Directional
Page 417 and 418:
Tuttle, Siri. 2000. Duration, inton
Page 419 and 420:
Wolgemuth, Carl. 1969. Isthmus Vera
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