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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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sentences was a real-word trisyllable <strong>of</strong> Russian, with either medial or final stress (the<br />

pretonic syllables should in all cases escape the effect <strong>of</strong> final lengthening applied at any<br />

prosodic phrase-boundary marked before the verb). The vowels in target first and second<br />

pretonic syllables were either /a/ or /o/ underlyingly. Syllables were open and had onsets.<br />

The segmental context was non-nasal (following nasality has a clear effect <strong>of</strong> raising F1<br />

in low vowels in Russian, as pilot versions <strong>of</strong> this experiment demonstrated). Sentences<br />

were presented in randomized blocks <strong>of</strong> ten. The speaker was asked to read each block in<br />

a formal style, described as “like a newscaster might”. After a brief pause, the speaker<br />

then repeated the same block <strong>of</strong> sentences, instructed this time to read at a faster pace.<br />

Blocks were kept small enough that the speaker was able to keep a more or less constant<br />

speech rate throughout each one. Recordings were digitized at 22.050 KHz and analyzed<br />

using the Praat 4.0.2 speech analysis s<strong>of</strong>tware (Copyright@1992-2001 by Paul Boersma<br />

and David Weenink). Measures <strong>of</strong> duration for target vowels were taken from linked<br />

spectrographic and waveform displays. Formant measurements were taken using LPC<br />

autocorrelation analysis from the approximate midpoint <strong>of</strong> the vowel in question where<br />

formant values were as close to steady-state as was achieved in each case. Discarding<br />

tokens containing second-pretonic syllables from which the vowel had actually been<br />

deleted (or effaced beyond capacity for formant measurement), I was left with<br />

97

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