The Aramaic Bible: Targums in their Historical Context

The Aramaic Bible: Targums in their Historical Context The Aramaic Bible: Targums in their Historical Context

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STONE Jewish Tradition and the Christian West 439 synoptically. 26 From his synopsis it is evident that, although the three versions share a very substantial amount of material, each presents its own difficulties and offers its distinctive challenges. Since Wells's time, Armenian and Georgian versions of the Life of Adam and Eve have also been published: the Armenian Penitence of Adam and the Georgian Book of Adam. Moreover, fragments of a Coptic version have long been known to exist, 27 though little studied. Consequently, a present-day synopsis would have to contain five (and in some places six) columns. 28 St John Seymour, studying the sacred history embodied in the 162 cantos of the tenth-century Irish poem, Saltair na Rann, concluded that cantos 6-11 make use both of Latin Vita Adam et Evae and of Apocalypse of Moses. There is, it should be observed, no other evidence that Apocalypse of Moses was known in the West. 29 A recent study has been devoted by Brian Murdoch to the Adam materials in the Saltair na Rann. 30 Murdoch stressed the antiquity of the Old Irish material in comparison with the continental and English analogues. 31 He further noted the primacy of Saltair na Rann vis-a-vis the rest of the Irish Adam works. It is his view that Saltair na Rann is based upon 26. In fact, Wells did not present the Slavonic version in full, but only its first sections: see L.S.A. Wells, 'The Books of Adam and Eve', The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament (ed. R.H. Charles; Oxford, 1913), II, pp. 123- 54. The Slavonic version was published by JagiC, 'Slavische Beitrage zu den biblischen Apocryphen'. 27. M.E. Stone, The Penitence of Adam, CSCO, 429-30; Scriptores Armeniaci (ed. R. Draguet; Leuven: Peeters, 1981), pp. 13-14; J.-P. Mahe", 'Le Livre d'Adam gdorgien', Studies in Gnosticism and Hellenistic Religions (ed. R. van den Broek, and M.J. Vermaseren; Leiden: Brill, 1981), pp. 227-60. On the Coptic texts, see Stone, Adam and Eve, pp. 39-41. 28. Indeed, the synopsis just published includes the Greek and Latin texts in the original languages, and translations of the Armenian, Georgian and Slavonic versions. See G.A. Anderson and M.E. Stone, A Synopsis of the Books of Adam and Eve (SBL Early Judaism amd its Literature, 5; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1994). 29. St John D. Seymour, 'The Book of Adam and Eve in Ireland', in Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 36 C (1922), pp. 121-33. He points out, for example, that in Canto 12 a herb called omamentum (i.e., apparently, odoramenta or odoramentum) is mentioned, a detail not in Latin Vita Adam et Evae but occurring in Apocalypse of Moses (p. 130). On pages 132-33 he gives a small piece of otherwise unknown Irish apocryphal Adam literature, summarizing the Adam story. 30. B.O. Murdoch, The Irish Adam and Eve Story from Saltair na Rann: Volume 2, Commentary, (Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1976). 31. Murdoch, Irish Adam and Eve Story, p. 29.

440 The Aramaic Bible: Targums in their Historical Context an otherwise unknown form of the Vita Adam et Evae, which was either 'a composite Latin document which contained both the Latin Vita Adae et Evae and the Apocalypsis Mosis' or else it drew upon the Latin Vita Adae et Eva and a Latin version of the Apocalypsis Mosis. This view is, of course, very much like that proposed earlier by Seymour. Murdoch himself inclines in the direction of a modified form of the first hypothesis, that of a composite document, though arguing that the role of Apocalypse of Moses material is less prominent that had been thought by some in the past. 32 Two comments must be made on this matter. The first is that in view of the now current knowledge of the Life of Adam and Eve, a simple comparison of Saltair na Rann with the Greek Apocalypse of Moses and the Latin Vita Adam et Evae will inevitably bring about a distortion of the results. In fact, it is the mediaevalist's bias towards the Greek and Latin texts which has led to this, while a deeper aquaintance with the study of the Pseudepigrapha would have modified this view. Since we are prepared to entertain the idea that the Irish tradition might have known a Greek text of the Apocalypse of Moses or a (lost) Latin translation of the Greek Apocalypse of Moses, it is equally plausible that it might have been familiar with a Greek text belonging to another branch of the textual transmission, such as that represented by the surviving Armenian and Georgian works. It is no more difficult to posit a lost Latin translation of this type of Greek text than it is to posit a lost Latin translation of Apocalypse of Moses. Now, it is quite evident that Seymour, Murdoch (in 1973) 33 and others were led to the hypothesis that the Saltair na Rann knew both the Latin Vita Adam et Evae and the Greek Apocalypse of Moses by the fact that the Saltair na Rann contains distinctive traditions occurring uniquely (as they then thought) in each of those two alleged sources. In 1976, however, Murdoch proposed a different hypothesis, maintaining that a fuller form of the Latin Vita Adam et Evae may have existed which contained some features drawn from Greek Apocalypse of Moses, as well as other elements, and it was this work that was used by the author of Saltair na Rann. 34 In part, he based his 32. Murdoch, Irish Adam and Eve Story, pp. 33-35; idem, 'An Early Irish Adam and Eve', pp. 171-74. 33. Murdoch, 'An Early Irish Adam and Eve'. 34. Murdoch, Irish Adam and Eve Story, pp. 32-37 and in the following sections of his book.

440 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Aramaic</strong> <strong>Bible</strong>: <strong>Targums</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>their</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Context</strong><br />

an otherwise unknown form of the Vita Adam et Evae, which was<br />

either 'a composite Lat<strong>in</strong> document which conta<strong>in</strong>ed both the Lat<strong>in</strong><br />

Vita Adae et Evae and the Apocalypsis Mosis' or else it drew upon the<br />

Lat<strong>in</strong> Vita Adae et Eva and a Lat<strong>in</strong> version of the Apocalypsis Mosis.<br />

This view is, of course, very much like that proposed earlier by<br />

Seymour. Murdoch himself <strong>in</strong>cl<strong>in</strong>es <strong>in</strong> the direction of a modified<br />

form of the first hypothesis, that of a composite document, though<br />

argu<strong>in</strong>g that the role of Apocalypse of Moses material is less prom<strong>in</strong>ent<br />

that had been thought by some <strong>in</strong> the past. 32<br />

Two comments must be made on this matter. <strong>The</strong> first is that <strong>in</strong><br />

view of the now current knowledge of the Life of Adam and Eve, a<br />

simple comparison of Saltair na Rann with the Greek Apocalypse of<br />

Moses and the Lat<strong>in</strong> Vita Adam et Evae will <strong>in</strong>evitably br<strong>in</strong>g about a<br />

distortion of the results. In fact, it is the mediaevalist's bias towards<br />

the Greek and Lat<strong>in</strong> texts which has led to this, while a deeper<br />

aqua<strong>in</strong>tance with the study of the Pseudepigrapha would have modified<br />

this view. S<strong>in</strong>ce we are prepared to enterta<strong>in</strong> the idea that the Irish<br />

tradition might have known a Greek text of the Apocalypse of Moses<br />

or a (lost) Lat<strong>in</strong> translation of the Greek Apocalypse of Moses, it is<br />

equally plausible that it might have been familiar with a Greek text<br />

belong<strong>in</strong>g to another branch of the textual transmission, such as that<br />

represented by the surviv<strong>in</strong>g Armenian and Georgian works. It is no<br />

more difficult to posit a lost Lat<strong>in</strong> translation of this type of Greek<br />

text than it is to posit a lost Lat<strong>in</strong> translation of Apocalypse of Moses.<br />

Now, it is quite evident that Seymour, Murdoch (<strong>in</strong> 1973) 33 and<br />

others were led to the hypothesis that the Saltair na Rann knew both<br />

the Lat<strong>in</strong> Vita Adam et Evae and the Greek Apocalypse of Moses by<br />

the fact that the Saltair na Rann conta<strong>in</strong>s dist<strong>in</strong>ctive traditions occurr<strong>in</strong>g<br />

uniquely (as they then thought) <strong>in</strong> each of those two alleged<br />

sources. In 1976, however, Murdoch proposed a different hypothesis,<br />

ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g that a fuller form of the Lat<strong>in</strong> Vita Adam et Evae may<br />

have existed which conta<strong>in</strong>ed some features drawn from Greek<br />

Apocalypse of Moses, as well as other elements, and it was this work<br />

that was used by the author of Saltair na Rann. 34 In part, he based his<br />

32. Murdoch, Irish Adam and Eve Story, pp. 33-35; idem, 'An Early Irish Adam<br />

and Eve', pp. 171-74.<br />

33. Murdoch, 'An Early Irish Adam and Eve'.<br />

34. Murdoch, Irish Adam and Eve Story, pp. 32-37 and <strong>in</strong> the follow<strong>in</strong>g sections<br />

of his book.

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