The Aramaic Bible: Targums in their Historical Context

The Aramaic Bible: Targums in their Historical Context The Aramaic Bible: Targums in their Historical Context

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NORTON Jews, Greeks and the Hexapla of Origen 413 Hexapla were of Jewish origin. Justin Martyr had already made just that point when he said in tones of injured innocence toAjioxn Xeyew IT\V £%f|Yr|CNV r\v e^nynaavTO ol Ep8o|if|Kovia i)u,cbv Ttpeapiruepoi Kocpa rhoXeumq) ICQ TCOV AiyuTmoav paaiXei yevojievoi \LT\ elvai ev iiaiv 6cX,T|0fj (Dial. 68). The Jewish milieu of Aquila is not in question. That in the Theodotionic column we are dealing with a Theodotionic group of texts subsequently associated with a single personage has been demonstrated by Barthelemy. 24 I cannot agree with the judgment of the revised Schiirer which (like the original Schiirer) omits Symmachus from his history of the Jewish people in the age of Jesus Christ, because he 'was not himself Jewish'. 25 That the text was in use by the Jews (insofar as it was used at all) before Origen's incorporation into the Hexapla seems incontrovertible. The Jewish affiliation of Symmachus is demonstrated by A. Geiger, 26 D. Barthelemy, 27 A. van der Kooij 28 and A. Salvesen. 29 Be that as it may, it is clear that the Hexapla proved a happy means of diffusion of the readings of Symmachus, seen as aacpeatepov by the Church Fathers. This common history and textual heritage made the debate between Jews and the nascent Christian movement particularly pointed when it came to the text they shared. In some cases the debate centred on the interpretation of the messianic and prophetic texts. There was perhaps also an issue of credibility, for how could Christian apologists argue effectively the interpretation of any text held in common with the Jews if the Jewish correspondent could simply deny that the Christian was working from a good or 'authentic' text? This fluidity of a translation in the face of continued and even increased stability of a text in the 'original' Hebrew language is the 24. D. Barthelemy, Les Devanders d'aquila (VTSup, 10; Leiden; Brill 1963). 25. E. Schiirer, The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ, ELI (ed. G. Vermes, F. Millar and M. Goodman; Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1986), p. 493. 26. A. Geiger, 'Symmachus der Ubersetzer der Bibel', Jiidische Zeitschrift fur Wissenschaft undLeben, 1 (Breslau 1862), pp. 39-64. 27. D. Barthelemy, 'Qui est Symmache?', in Etudes d'histoire du texte de I'A.T (OBO, 21; Fribourg / Gottingen: Editions Universitaires/ Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1978), pp. 307-21. 28. A. van der Kooij, Die Alien Textzeugen des Jesajabuches (OBO, 35; Fribourg / Gottingen, 1981), esp. p. 249. 29. Salvesen, Symmachus in the Pentateuch.

414 The Aramaic Bible: Targums in their Historical Context occasion for further reflection. The discussion between translations can only be fruitful where there is a possibility of reference to a text taken as authority-bearing in the original language. It is not a discussion between authority-bearing texts. I suggest that this fluid approach to the translation equivalences found in the various columns of the Hexapla in one sense devalued the Greek Old Testament as an authoritative independent text, and reminded the reader/audience that this was in fact a translation rather than with an inspired text. The semantic or qualitative discussion between translations is only worthwhile where the common language of debate and reflection is the translation language. If on the other hand the whole discussion of interpretation can stay within the original language of the text, the specific problems posed by the different interpretations in a translation and its revisions do not arise. This was most obvious in Palestine, where reference could be made by at least some of the interlocutors to the Hebrew text. In Alexandria the question did not arise to the same extent, or in the same way, because of the difficulty of access to a text in the original language. Here, the discussion was even more concerned with groups who questioned the validity of the Old Testament as such, not between groups who shared the books, and differed in their interpretation. Neither had the Alexandrians any reason to accept that theirs was a second-rate second-hand sacred text. It is no surprise that there was a move to consecrate the act of translation and the translation itself and to try to procure for it the same sort of respect for a fixed form that the pre- and proto-Masoretic texts were enjoying in Palestine. The Judaeo-Christian Polemic and the Compilation of the Hexapla Origen's stated purpose, in so far as it can be determined, was not to prepare a critical edition in our sense but to compare the texts in common use by Jews and Christians, so that in discussions Christians would know which texts were not accepted by their interlocutors. The Judaeo-Christian polemic is often cited as the most relevant background to Origen's enterprise in having the Hexapla prepared. The issue in so far as it was polemic was quantitative. By his work, Origen could have rendered a service not only to his Christian colleagues, but also to those Hellenophone Jews who must have been as confused as were the Christians about the pluses and minuses at stake. Even if Aquila's Greek was preferred by the rabbinate, to what extent, when,

414 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Aramaic</strong> <strong>Bible</strong>: <strong>Targums</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>their</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Context</strong><br />

occasion for further reflection. <strong>The</strong> discussion between translations<br />

can only be fruitful where there is a possibility of reference to a text<br />

taken as authority-bear<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the orig<strong>in</strong>al language. It is not a discussion<br />

between authority-bear<strong>in</strong>g texts. I suggest that this fluid approach<br />

to the translation equivalences found <strong>in</strong> the various columns of the<br />

Hexapla <strong>in</strong> one sense devalued the Greek Old Testament as an authoritative<br />

<strong>in</strong>dependent text, and rem<strong>in</strong>ded the reader/audience that this was<br />

<strong>in</strong> fact a translation rather than with an <strong>in</strong>spired text. <strong>The</strong> semantic or<br />

qualitative discussion between translations is only worthwhile where<br />

the common language of debate and reflection is the translation<br />

language. If on the other hand the whole discussion of <strong>in</strong>terpretation<br />

can stay with<strong>in</strong> the orig<strong>in</strong>al language of the text, the specific problems<br />

posed by the different <strong>in</strong>terpretations <strong>in</strong> a translation and its revisions<br />

do not arise. This was most obvious <strong>in</strong> Palest<strong>in</strong>e, where reference<br />

could be made by at least some of the <strong>in</strong>terlocutors to the Hebrew text.<br />

In Alexandria the question did not arise to the same extent, or <strong>in</strong> the<br />

same way, because of the difficulty of access to a text <strong>in</strong> the orig<strong>in</strong>al<br />

language. Here, the discussion was even more concerned with groups<br />

who questioned the validity of the Old Testament as such, not between<br />

groups who shared the books, and differed <strong>in</strong> <strong>their</strong> <strong>in</strong>terpretation.<br />

Neither had the Alexandrians any reason to accept that <strong>their</strong>s was a<br />

second-rate second-hand sacred text. It is no surprise that there was a<br />

move to consecrate the act of translation and the translation itself and<br />

to try to procure for it the same sort of respect for a fixed form that<br />

the pre- and proto-Masoretic texts were enjoy<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> Palest<strong>in</strong>e.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Judaeo-Christian Polemic and the Compilation of the Hexapla<br />

Origen's stated purpose, <strong>in</strong> so far as it can be determ<strong>in</strong>ed, was not to<br />

prepare a critical edition <strong>in</strong> our sense but to compare the texts <strong>in</strong><br />

common use by Jews and Christians, so that <strong>in</strong> discussions Christians<br />

would know which texts were not accepted by <strong>their</strong> <strong>in</strong>terlocutors. <strong>The</strong><br />

Judaeo-Christian polemic is often cited as the most relevant background<br />

to Origen's enterprise <strong>in</strong> hav<strong>in</strong>g the Hexapla prepared. <strong>The</strong><br />

issue <strong>in</strong> so far as it was polemic was quantitative. By his work, Origen<br />

could have rendered a service not only to his Christian colleagues, but<br />

also to those Hellenophone Jews who must have been as confused as<br />

were the Christians about the pluses and m<strong>in</strong>uses at stake. Even if<br />

Aquila's Greek was preferred by the rabb<strong>in</strong>ate, to what extent, when,

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