The Aramaic Bible: Targums in their Historical Context

The Aramaic Bible: Targums in their Historical Context The Aramaic Bible: Targums in their Historical Context

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REIF The Cairo Genizah its Treasures Bible with vowel-points that reflected their pronunciation tradition, cantillation signs that recorded the melodies used for its synagogal chant, and explanatory notes that inevitably testified to their understanding of the text, whether inherited or newly fashioned. Such a tendency towards the canonization of an aspect of liturgical expression may well have owed a good deal to the formalization of synagogal procedures that was characteristic of developments in the geonic period. 21 Both Karaites and Rabbanites were active in the Masoretic process and it is not impossible that much of the impetus came from the biblical scholars among the former. It is indeed not always an easy matter to distinguish which of the famous personalities associated with the early history of the Masorah belonged to one group and which to the other. What is clear is that scholarship is now in a better position to understand the identifying features of each method and the basic differences between the various schools. Treatises and scholars, hitherto unknown or accorded scant recognition in later manuscripts, have been more clearly identified and new sets of vocabulary and terminology have been uncovered. 22 Such an interest in the text read and translated before the congregation in the synagogue naturally had an effect not only on exegesis, as will shortly be noted, but also on the development of Hebrew philological studies. Once texts and their interpretation became more consistent and authoritative, the way was open for comparisons to be made by keen linguists of the features of the various Semitic languages known to them. Grammatical rules were consequently drawn up, text-books and dictionaries compiled, and the 21. In addition to the works cited in nn. 18 and 19 above, see also Z. Ben- Hayyim, 'Masorah and Masoreth', Les 21 (1957), pp. 283-92 and S.C. Reif, Judaism and Hebrew Prayer (Cambridge, 1993), pp. 122-52. 22. The papers published in early issues of Textus and read at recent meetings of the International Organization for Masoretic Studies testify to novel developments in this field of study. See, for example, E.F. Tejero (ed.), Estudios Masoreticos (V Congress de la IOMS) dedicados a H.M. Orlinsky (Madrid, 1983) and E.J. Revell (ed.), Eighth International Congress of the International Organization for Masoretic Studies Chicago 1988 (Missoula, 1990). See also D. Becker, 'Traces of Judah Ibn Quraysh in Manuscript, particularly in Genizah Fragments', and I. Eldar, 'Mukhtasar (an abridgement of) Hidayat al-Qari: A Grammatical Treatise discovered in the Genizah', in Blau and Reif (eds.), Genizah Research after Ninety Years (n. 16 above), pp. 14-21 and 67-73, as well as the pioneering work of J. Mann in Texts and Studies in Jewish History and Literature, II (Cincinnati, 1935). 39

40 The Aramaic Bible: Targums in their Historical Context literal interpretation of the biblical verse given a boost by such systematic approaches. It should not be forgotten that such grammatical and philological studies provided the foundations on which was built much of the interpretation of the Hebrew Bible, by both Christians and Jews, in the later medieval and modern times. 23 In the earliest years of Genizah research, now about a century ago, the discovery of the Palestinian triennial cycle for both the pentateuchal and prophetic weekly readings generated great excitement and led scholars to believe that they were now in a position to reconstruct what precisely had been read in the synagogue on particular sabbaths of the year from as early as the time of Jesus. Attempts were therefore made to relate the homilies of both the New Testament and the rabbinic midrashim to the Palestinian cycle and to establish the precise time of the year in which it commenced. More recent work has moved away from such theories and demonstrated that the primary sources bear witness not to one Palestinian cycle and one Babylonian but to a number of possible variations in the Holy Land and to the possibility that each influenced the other from the talmudic to the medieval period. 24 Although the Babylonian cycle as it emerged from the geonic centres in and around the tenth century came to dominate Jewish synagogal practice worldwide, the reports of the traveller Benjamin of Tudela in the twelfth century and Genizah material from the thirteenth testify to the continuing struggle waged by the community of Palestinian emigres in Cairo to maintain their own traditions and to withstand the pressure to conform to the customs of the Babylonian academies. 25 It is not, however, only the liturgical 23. D. Tene, 'Hashwa'ath Ha-Leshonoth Wiydi'ath Ha-Lashon', in Hebrew Language Studies presented to Professor Zeev Ben-Hayyim (ed. M. Bar-Asher, A. Dotan, G.B. Sarfati and D. Tend; Jerusalem, 1983), pp. 237-87; see also A. S£enz-Badillos (ed.), Tesubot de Dunas ben Labrat (Granada, 1980) and Menahem ben Saruq: Mahberet (Granada, 1986). 24. The literature is summarized and briefly analysed by J.J. Petuchowski in the volume of essays edited by him, Contributions to the Scientific Study of the Jewish Liturgy (New York, 1970), introduction, pp. xvii-xxi and by B.Z. Wacholder in the reprint of J. Mann, The Bible as Read and Preached in the Old Synagogue (New York, 1971), first prolegomenon. E. Fleischer has recently gone further and argued for the originality of the Babylonian annual cycle even in Palestine; see his Hebrew article 'Inquiries concerning the Triennial Reading of the Torah in Ancient Eretz- Israel', HUCA 62 (1991), pp. 43-61 (Hebrew pagination). 25. M.N. Adler, The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela (London, 1907), Hebrew

40 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Aramaic</strong> <strong>Bible</strong>: <strong>Targums</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>their</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Context</strong><br />

literal <strong>in</strong>terpretation of the biblical verse given a boost by such systematic<br />

approaches. It should not be forgotten that such grammatical<br />

and philological studies provided the foundations on which was built<br />

much of the <strong>in</strong>terpretation of the Hebrew <strong>Bible</strong>, by both Christians<br />

and Jews, <strong>in</strong> the later medieval and modern times. 23<br />

In the earliest years of Genizah research, now about a century ago,<br />

the discovery of the Palest<strong>in</strong>ian triennial cycle for both the pentateuchal<br />

and prophetic weekly read<strong>in</strong>gs generated great excitement and<br />

led scholars to believe that they were now <strong>in</strong> a position to reconstruct<br />

what precisely had been read <strong>in</strong> the synagogue on particular sabbaths<br />

of the year from as early as the time of Jesus. Attempts were therefore<br />

made to relate the homilies of both the New Testament and the<br />

rabb<strong>in</strong>ic midrashim to the Palest<strong>in</strong>ian cycle and to establish the precise<br />

time of the year <strong>in</strong> which it commenced. More recent work has moved<br />

away from such theories and demonstrated that the primary sources<br />

bear witness not to one Palest<strong>in</strong>ian cycle and one Babylonian but to a<br />

number of possible variations <strong>in</strong> the Holy Land and to the possibility<br />

that each <strong>in</strong>fluenced the other from the talmudic to the medieval<br />

period. 24 Although the Babylonian cycle as it emerged from the<br />

geonic centres <strong>in</strong> and around the tenth century came to dom<strong>in</strong>ate<br />

Jewish synagogal practice worldwide, the reports of the traveller<br />

Benjam<strong>in</strong> of Tudela <strong>in</strong> the twelfth century and Genizah material from<br />

the thirteenth testify to the cont<strong>in</strong>u<strong>in</strong>g struggle waged by the<br />

community of Palest<strong>in</strong>ian emigres <strong>in</strong> Cairo to ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> <strong>their</strong> own<br />

traditions and to withstand the pressure to conform to the customs of<br />

the Babylonian academies. 25 It is not, however, only the liturgical<br />

23. D. Tene, 'Hashwa'ath Ha-Leshonoth Wiydi'ath Ha-Lashon', <strong>in</strong> Hebrew<br />

Language Studies presented to Professor Zeev Ben-Hayyim (ed. M. Bar-Asher,<br />

A. Dotan, G.B. Sarfati and D. Tend; Jerusalem, 1983), pp. 237-87; see also<br />

A. S£enz-Badillos (ed.), Tesubot de Dunas ben Labrat (Granada, 1980) and<br />

Menahem ben Saruq: Mahberet (Granada, 1986).<br />

24. <strong>The</strong> literature is summarized and briefly analysed by J.J. Petuchowski <strong>in</strong> the<br />

volume of essays edited by him, Contributions to the Scientific Study of the Jewish<br />

Liturgy (New York, 1970), <strong>in</strong>troduction, pp. xvii-xxi and by B.Z. Wacholder <strong>in</strong> the<br />

repr<strong>in</strong>t of J. Mann, <strong>The</strong> <strong>Bible</strong> as Read and Preached <strong>in</strong> the Old Synagogue (New<br />

York, 1971), first prolegomenon. E. Fleischer has recently gone further and argued<br />

for the orig<strong>in</strong>ality of the Babylonian annual cycle even <strong>in</strong> Palest<strong>in</strong>e; see his Hebrew<br />

article 'Inquiries concern<strong>in</strong>g the Triennial Read<strong>in</strong>g of the Torah <strong>in</strong> Ancient Eretz-<br />

Israel', HUCA 62 (1991), pp. 43-61 (Hebrew pag<strong>in</strong>ation).<br />

25. M.N. Adler, <strong>The</strong> It<strong>in</strong>erary of Benjam<strong>in</strong> of Tudela (London, 1907), Hebrew

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