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The Aramaic Bible: Targums in their Historical Context

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376 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Aramaic</strong> <strong>Bible</strong>: <strong>Targums</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>their</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Context</strong><br />

urgent to take account of the <strong>Aramaic</strong> (and Proto-Mishnaic Hebrew)<br />

factor <strong>in</strong> assess<strong>in</strong>g not so much <strong>their</strong> mean<strong>in</strong>g generally as <strong>their</strong><br />

mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> such contexts. What has been argued here <strong>in</strong> respect of<br />

<strong>Aramaic</strong> and Proto-Mishnaic Hebrew <strong>in</strong> the Jewish society of the first<br />

and second centuries CE could be expected to hold good for other<br />

'native' languages <strong>in</strong> other parts of the Greek-speak<strong>in</strong>g world.<br />

Bil<strong>in</strong>gualism does not mean that such people speak <strong>their</strong> 'non-native'<br />

language poorly, but that a degree of unconscious (and perhaps conscious)<br />

accommodation takes place between both languages as they use<br />

them. We may add to that that the people around Bar Kokhba could<br />

clearly handle all three languages—<strong>Aramaic</strong>, Hebrew and Greek, but<br />

nevertheless showed a conscious resistance to treat<strong>in</strong>g Greek as<br />

belong<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>their</strong> own world. That comes out <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>gly <strong>in</strong> the Bar<br />

Kokhba documents, where <strong>in</strong> the <strong>Aramaic</strong> and Hebrew texts, the writers<br />

feel free to use the first person, whereas <strong>in</strong> the Greek material<br />

they use only the third person. Even Josephus claims to have written<br />

the first draft of his Jewish War first <strong>in</strong> <strong>Aramaic</strong>, and only thereafter<br />

to have translated it <strong>in</strong>to Greek. 31<br />

An encourag<strong>in</strong>g sign that at least an '<strong>in</strong>tegrated' approach is<br />

emerg<strong>in</strong>g towards the <strong>Aramaic</strong> question and its relationship to the rest<br />

of the search for midrashic material and historical data <strong>in</strong> the New<br />

Testament is the publication of a rather important article by Maurice<br />

Casey, entitled 'Culture and Historicity: <strong>The</strong> Pluck<strong>in</strong>g of the Gra<strong>in</strong><br />

(Mark 2.23-28)'. 32 In it he seeks to set the story of Jesus and his disciples<br />

pass<strong>in</strong>g through the gra<strong>in</strong>fields <strong>in</strong> its proper historical context,<br />

and to do so he attempts to put it back <strong>in</strong>to <strong>Aramaic</strong>, l<strong>in</strong>k it <strong>in</strong> with<br />

known Rabb<strong>in</strong>ic teach<strong>in</strong>g concern<strong>in</strong>g the Peah and the Sabbath, and<br />

relate it also to the economic and other cultural factors of the time. He<br />

concludes by observ<strong>in</strong>g that '...exist<strong>in</strong>g work on the recovery of the<br />

Jesus of history is <strong>in</strong>adequate because it has not delved thoroughly <strong>in</strong>to<br />

the language and culture of Jesus and his contemporaries'. 33 It is certa<strong>in</strong>ly<br />

the burden of this paper that the whole approach to the <strong>Aramaic</strong><br />

and Hebrew background of the New Testament must be l<strong>in</strong>ked <strong>in</strong> with<br />

as full an historical, social and midrashic perspective as possible,<br />

and that the atomistic 'spot the Aramaism' endeavours of the past,<br />

31. War 1.3.<br />

32. NTS 37 (1991), pp. 1-23.<br />

33. 'Culture', p. 22.

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