The Aramaic Bible: Targums in their Historical Context

The Aramaic Bible: Targums in their Historical Context The Aramaic Bible: Targums in their Historical Context

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BOCCACCINI Targum Neofiti as a Proto-Rabbinic Document 255 any ideological boundary. Extant manuscripts are copies of copies; language and style have been submitted to several revisions. 3 Dating these kinds of documents may seem like solving an unsolvable puzzle. Scholars have often been tempted to study traditions instead of studying documents, and to compare parallels instead of comparing ideological systems. But rabbinic documents are not chaotic collections of ancient material and parallels; they are consistent ideological documents. Even the most ancient traditions and the most common parallels were set in a context that picked up some traditions among a larger amount of ancient material and made them interact with new material. Both ancient and new traditions were arranged around a generative idea which defined the specific weight and rank of each constituent element. The result was the creation of new ideological systems. Hence, in rabbinic (and targumic) studies, emphasis should be shifted from traditions to documents, and from parallels to ideological systems; in other words, from source-criticism to systemic analysis. The primary question is not 'How old are traditions and parallels in this or that document?' but 'How old is the ideological system created by this or that document and what is the generative idea of each system?' 2. The Concept of the Oral Law One of the pillars of rabbinic Judaism is the idea that on Sinai God revealed to Moses both the written and the oral law. In later documents this idea is attributed to ancient rabbis like Hillel and Shammai and to Moses himself, but this idea is not so ancient. We do not have any evidence of this before the third century CE. 4 3. Such is the conclusion of textual studies, also in Targums; see B.B. Levy, Targum Neophyti 1: A Textual Study (2 vols.; Lanham, 1986-87). Dating languages does not necessarily mean dating documents; 'a late dating...may simply be the unconscious reflection of the time of Medieval copysts' (M.C. Doubles, 'Indications of Antiquity in the Orthography and Morphology of the Fragment Targum', in In Memoriam Paul Kahle [ed. M. Black and G. Fohrer; Berlin, 1968], pp. 79-89). 4. Despite their different approaches, both J. Neusner (The Mishnah before 70 [Atlanta, 1987]) and E.P. Sanders (Jewish Law from Jesus to the Mishnah [Philadelphia and London, 1990]) agree on this. Also S. Safrai admits that 'the unambiguous statement that Oral Torah as such was given at Sinai is found from the early Amoraic period', although his article on 'Oral Law' (in S. Safrai [ed.], The

256 The Aramaic Bible: Targums in their Historical Context Philo knows the existence of unwritten laws besides the Mosaic law. He emphasizes the significance of these unwritten rules which pursue the same aim as the written law, that is, to make people 'acknowledge the one God, Father and Maker of the world' (Leg. Gai. 115). Philo claims that the scripture itself teaches the honouring of the unwritten laws, and he praises those who obey them. However, unwritten laws remain clearly distinct from the written law. First, the source of their authority is neither scripture nor Moses; they are 'customs, decisions approved by men of old'. Second, they are handed down, not written; 'not inscribed on monuments nor on leaves of paper... but on souls of those who are partners in the same citizenship'. Third, they are authoritative but not compulsory; people obey them 'not under the admonition of restraint and the fear of punishment...but according to their free will' (Spec. Leg. 4.149-50; cf. Apologia 7.6; Leg. Gai. 115- 18). Flavius Josephus makes the Pharisees responsible for having 'passed on the people certain rules handed down by former generations and not recorded in the Laws of Moses'. The desire to make compulsory some unwritten laws differentiates the Pharisees from 'the Sadducees who hold that only those rules should be considered valid which were written down' (Ant. 13.297). It is no surprise that early Christians charge Pharisees and later rabbis not only with misinterpreting the written law, but with promoting their own tradition against scripture (Mk 7.1-13; Mt. 15.1-7; Justin, Dialogue with Trypho 48.2). The founding document of rabbinic Judaism, the Mishnah, turns the voluntary laws of Jewish tradition and the unwritten laws of the Pharisees into a consistent body of written and compulsory laws, but does not make any effort to relate them to scripture. Honestly, the Mishnah admits that some rules 'have nothing to support them...some are as mountains hanging by a hair, for Scripture is scanty and the rules many...some have that which supports them' (m. Hag. 1.8). The mishnaic system of laws acknowledges—besides the written law— many different and independent sources: the Halakah, the words of scribes and prophets, the decisions of lay or priest courts, even local customs (m. 'Or. 3.9; m. Par. 11.5-6; m. Yad. 4.3-4, passim). In the Literature of the Sages [Assen and Philadelphia, 1987], pp. 35-119) shares the traditional rabbinic viewpoint.

BOCCACCINI Targum Neofiti as a Proto-Rabb<strong>in</strong>ic Document 255<br />

any ideological boundary. Extant manuscripts are copies of copies;<br />

language and style have been submitted to several revisions. 3<br />

Dat<strong>in</strong>g these k<strong>in</strong>ds of documents may seem like solv<strong>in</strong>g an unsolvable<br />

puzzle. Scholars have often been tempted to study traditions<br />

<strong>in</strong>stead of study<strong>in</strong>g documents, and to compare parallels <strong>in</strong>stead of<br />

compar<strong>in</strong>g ideological systems. But rabb<strong>in</strong>ic documents are not<br />

chaotic collections of ancient material and parallels; they are consistent<br />

ideological documents. Even the most ancient traditions and the<br />

most common parallels were set <strong>in</strong> a context that picked up some<br />

traditions among a larger amount of ancient material and made them<br />

<strong>in</strong>teract with new material. Both ancient and new traditions were<br />

arranged around a generative idea which def<strong>in</strong>ed the specific weight<br />

and rank of each constituent element. <strong>The</strong> result was the creation of<br />

new ideological systems. Hence, <strong>in</strong> rabb<strong>in</strong>ic (and targumic) studies,<br />

emphasis should be shifted from traditions to documents, and from<br />

parallels to ideological systems; <strong>in</strong> other words, from source-criticism<br />

to systemic analysis. <strong>The</strong> primary question is not 'How old are traditions<br />

and parallels <strong>in</strong> this or that document?' but 'How old is the ideological<br />

system created by this or that document and what is the<br />

generative idea of each system?'<br />

2. <strong>The</strong> Concept of the Oral Law<br />

One of the pillars of rabb<strong>in</strong>ic Judaism is the idea that on S<strong>in</strong>ai God<br />

revealed to Moses both the written and the oral law. In later documents<br />

this idea is attributed to ancient rabbis like Hillel and Shammai<br />

and to Moses himself, but this idea is not so ancient. We do not have<br />

any evidence of this before the third century CE. 4<br />

3. Such is the conclusion of textual studies, also <strong>in</strong> <strong>Targums</strong>; see B.B. Levy,<br />

Targum Neophyti 1: A Textual Study (2 vols.; Lanham, 1986-87). Dat<strong>in</strong>g languages<br />

does not necessarily mean dat<strong>in</strong>g documents; 'a late dat<strong>in</strong>g...may simply be the<br />

unconscious reflection of the time of Medieval copysts' (M.C. Doubles, 'Indications<br />

of Antiquity <strong>in</strong> the Orthography and Morphology of the Fragment Targum', <strong>in</strong> In<br />

Memoriam Paul Kahle [ed. M. Black and G. Fohrer; Berl<strong>in</strong>, 1968], pp. 79-89).<br />

4. Despite <strong>their</strong> different approaches, both J. Neusner (<strong>The</strong> Mishnah before 70<br />

[Atlanta, 1987]) and E.P. Sanders (Jewish Law from Jesus to the Mishnah<br />

[Philadelphia and London, 1990]) agree on this. Also S. Safrai admits that 'the<br />

unambiguous statement that Oral Torah as such was given at S<strong>in</strong>ai is found from the<br />

early Amoraic period', although his article on 'Oral Law' (<strong>in</strong> S. Safrai [ed.], <strong>The</strong>

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