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The Aramaic Bible: Targums in their Historical Context

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154 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Aramaic</strong> <strong>Bible</strong>: <strong>Targums</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>their</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Context</strong><br />

alongside the prevail<strong>in</strong>g -ayya,19 even <strong>in</strong> the same text, such as the<br />

Tariff bil<strong>in</strong>gual. For Palmyrene, this could be taken as represent<strong>in</strong>g<br />

either a change <strong>in</strong> progress (from -ayya to -e ) or a vernacular form<br />

(-e) break<strong>in</strong>g through a habit of historical spell<strong>in</strong>g (-ayya). It cannot<br />

be due to transmission error. <strong>The</strong> same is true of Onqelos and<br />

Jonathan. Whether it is a change <strong>in</strong> progress (as I myself th<strong>in</strong>k) or a<br />

vernacular form, it still separates Onqelos and Jonathan from the<br />

Western dialects, where the form never existed. Tal makes a<br />

Herculean effort to restrict these forms to collective nouns and thus to<br />

l<strong>in</strong>k them to the <strong>Aramaic</strong> nisbe-end<strong>in</strong>g (pp. 83-85). He may be right.<br />

Even if he is, however, Onqelos and Jonathan is not 'saved' for<br />

Palest<strong>in</strong>e, s<strong>in</strong>ce collective nouns there do not end <strong>in</strong> -e. In any case, his<br />

theory is weakened by the presence of a good many plurals that cannot<br />

be taken as collectives; these he has to <strong>in</strong>terpret as copyist error.<br />

In addition to these plurals, one also f<strong>in</strong>ds <strong>in</strong> Onqelos and Jonathan<br />

occasional <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itives <strong>in</strong> the derived stems with the vocalism o-e: qattole<br />

for the Pael, 'aqtole for the Aphel, etc. <strong>The</strong>se <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itives are a<br />

clear l<strong>in</strong>k to the east, s<strong>in</strong>ce they are elsewhere found only <strong>in</strong><br />

Babylonian Talmudic <strong>Aramaic</strong> and <strong>in</strong> Mandaic, and one time <strong>in</strong><br />

Palmyrene. <strong>The</strong>y occur more rarely than the plurals <strong>in</strong> -e, and also<br />

allow an explanation as transmissional phenomena. Nevertheless, there<br />

is that one occurrence <strong>in</strong> Palmyrene, where other <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itives of the<br />

derived stems resemble the Syriac type with preformative mem and<br />

sufformative -u. This suggests that <strong>in</strong> Middle <strong>Aramaic</strong> the <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itives<br />

<strong>in</strong> the different dialects were <strong>in</strong> a state of flux. <strong>The</strong> normal <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive<br />

<strong>in</strong> Onqelos and Jonathan is like that of Official <strong>Aramaic</strong>, with a-a<br />

vocalism, an <strong>in</strong>heritance also shared with Qumran <strong>Aramaic</strong>.<br />

<strong>The</strong> phonological phenomenon I want to mention is the contraction<br />

of the diphthong ay to a. In general I would prefer not to use phonological<br />

criteria to place Onqelos and Jonathan's language dialectologically,<br />

at least <strong>in</strong>sofar as the phonology of the texts is expressed solely<br />

<strong>in</strong> vowel po<strong>in</strong>ts. One of the presuppositions of this study is that the<br />

consonantal text is taken as fundamentally stable. <strong>The</strong> advantage of<br />

this particular phonological process is that it has an effect on the consonantal<br />

text. If the diphthong were there, it would be expressed by a<br />

yodh.<br />

19. Rosenthal, Sprache, pp. 76-77.

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