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The Aramaic Bible: Targums in their Historical Context

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COOK <strong>The</strong> Language of Onqelos and Jonathan 147<br />

especially the shar<strong>in</strong>gs with Syriac, he attributed to the ko<strong>in</strong>e, while<br />

the former were <strong>in</strong>terpreted as signs of Western provenance. <strong>The</strong>re<br />

seems to be no good reason why he should not have done the opposite:<br />

attribute the Eastern words to the po<strong>in</strong>t of orig<strong>in</strong> and the Western to<br />

the ko<strong>in</strong>e. In other words, once you start attribut<strong>in</strong>g features or<br />

lexemes to a supraregional language, you have forfeited any ground<br />

for assign<strong>in</strong>g provenance at all.<br />

Furthermore, Tal's ko<strong>in</strong>e model fails the crucial test of attestation.<br />

If Onqelos and Jonathan are written <strong>in</strong> a standard dialect that represents<br />

a deregionalized compromise between several related dialects,<br />

that is, a ko<strong>in</strong>e, 11 we have to ask, where are the other texts written <strong>in</strong><br />

this ko<strong>in</strong>e'] None of the dialects presumed to be contemporaneous with<br />

Onqelos and Jonathan, such as Palmyrene, Nabatean, Hatran, early<br />

Syriac, or letters or contracts from the Dead Sea area, are written <strong>in</strong><br />

this ko<strong>in</strong>e. This 'common language' does not seem to have been very<br />

common! 12<br />

<strong>The</strong> fact is, the language situation for 'Middle <strong>Aramaic</strong>'—the<br />

<strong>Aramaic</strong> dialects of the period 200 BCE-200 CE—is best described as<br />

a dialect cont<strong>in</strong>uum, as I have recently argued. 13 From Nabatean <strong>in</strong><br />

the West, to Qumran <strong>Aramaic</strong>, Palmyrene, early Syriac, and Hatran <strong>in</strong><br />

the East, key morphological features fail to converge <strong>in</strong> any strong<br />

cluster of isoglosses to mark a strong dialect boundary. <strong>The</strong> Middle<br />

11. For a discussion of the concept of ko<strong>in</strong>e, see H.H. Hock, Pr<strong>in</strong>ciples of<br />

<strong>Historical</strong> L<strong>in</strong>guistics (Berl<strong>in</strong>: Mouton de Gruyter, 1986), pp. 485-91.<br />

12. D. Boyar<strong>in</strong>, 'An Inquiry <strong>in</strong>to the Formation of the Middle <strong>Aramaic</strong> Dialects',<br />

<strong>in</strong> Yoel Arbeitman and A. Bomhard (eds.), Bono Hom<strong>in</strong>i Donum: Essays <strong>in</strong><br />

<strong>Historical</strong> L<strong>in</strong>guistics <strong>in</strong> Memory of J. Alexander Kerns (Amsterdam: Benjam<strong>in</strong>s,<br />

1981), p. 639, offers three criticisms of Tal. <strong>The</strong> first is that 'there is no reason to<br />

assume the existence of an <strong>Aramaic</strong> ko<strong>in</strong>e at any time'; this resembles my second<br />

po<strong>in</strong>t above. Second, he states that Tal's ko<strong>in</strong>e model 'does not expla<strong>in</strong> adequately<br />

the very data for which it was proffered, to wit, <strong>in</strong>novations shared by Syriac with<br />

Palest<strong>in</strong>e and not with Babylonia...[A pan-<strong>Aramaic</strong> ko<strong>in</strong>e] would by def<strong>in</strong>ition have<br />

<strong>in</strong>cluded Babylonian as well'. This resembles my first po<strong>in</strong>t, but I th<strong>in</strong>k Boyar<strong>in</strong><br />

misconstrues Tal slightly here. Tal does not use his ko<strong>in</strong>e model to expla<strong>in</strong><br />

<strong>in</strong>novations shared by Syriac and Jonathan, but rather the vocabulary shared by the<br />

dialects. His third criticism is based on the isoglosses discussed <strong>in</strong> his article, which<br />

I will not discuss here.<br />

13. E.M. Cook, 'Qumran <strong>Aramaic</strong> and <strong>Aramaic</strong> Dialectology', <strong>in</strong> T. Muraoka<br />

(ed.), Studies <strong>in</strong> Qumran <strong>Aramaic</strong> (Supplements to Abr-Nahra<strong>in</strong> 3; Louva<strong>in</strong>: Peelers,<br />

1992), pp. 1-21.

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