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The Aramaic Bible: Targums in their Historical Context

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COOK <strong>The</strong> Language of Onqelos and Jonathan 143<br />

crucial po<strong>in</strong>ts and that they do not warrant the conclusions usually<br />

drawn from them. I also want to propose a new perspective on the<br />

language of Onqelos and Jonathan.<br />

First, a few words on the history of the discussion, as far as it<br />

touches upon l<strong>in</strong>guistic issues. Two facts are admitted by all parties:<br />

(1) that Onqelos and Jonathan, whatever <strong>their</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>, had <strong>their</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al<br />

redaction <strong>in</strong> the East and bear a number of l<strong>in</strong>guistic traces of this<br />

redaction; and (2) that, despite these Easternisms, the language as a<br />

whole is not much like the Eastern <strong>Aramaic</strong> known from the<br />

Babylonian Talmud or from Mandaic. Any theory of Onqelos/<br />

Jonathan's language must accommodate these data.<br />

<strong>The</strong> early attempts to solve the problem relied on crude sociol<strong>in</strong>guistic<br />

models that would allow two dialects to share the same<br />

space. Geiger, for <strong>in</strong>stance, who believed <strong>in</strong> the Eastern orig<strong>in</strong> of<br />

Onqelos, asserted that the language of the Targum was a<br />

Vulga'rdialekt, while the language of the Babylonian Talmud was a literary<br />

dialect. Dalman, on the other hand, claimed that the language of<br />

Onqelos was a Western Kunstsprache, while the language of the<br />

Palest<strong>in</strong>ian Talmud and midrashim represented the spoken vernacular<br />

of the West. 2 Obviously, such models—which allowed one to ignore<br />

similarities and differences between different <strong>Aramaic</strong> dialects—were<br />

flexible enough to fit almost any preconceived idea about where the<br />

Targumim might have orig<strong>in</strong>ated.<br />

<strong>The</strong> first few decades of the century saw a great <strong>in</strong>crease <strong>in</strong> the<br />

knowledge of the <strong>Aramaic</strong> dialects of the first millennium BCE, primarily<br />

due to the papyrus discoveries at Elephant<strong>in</strong>e but also to the<br />

steadily <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g number of <strong>in</strong>scriptions from Syria. <strong>The</strong> recognition<br />

of the phenomenon of 'Official <strong>Aramaic</strong>' gave scholars <strong>their</strong> first<br />

look at a real standardized <strong>Aramaic</strong> dialect <strong>in</strong>stead of a hypothetical<br />

one. H.L. G<strong>in</strong>sberg was the first to exploit this <strong>in</strong>sight <strong>in</strong> terms of the<br />

language of Onqelos:<br />

[T]he Targum of 'Onkelos to the Pentateuch, and the <strong>Targums</strong> to the<br />

prophets, of whose f<strong>in</strong>al redaction <strong>in</strong> Babylonia there can be no doubt,<br />

exhibit, so far as I can see, only Babylonian dialect traits. Those features<br />

<strong>in</strong> them which are ord<strong>in</strong>arily po<strong>in</strong>ted to as Levant [Western] <strong>Aramaic</strong> are<br />

not peculiar to this branch but common to it and the language of the chancellories<br />

[Official Aramiac]... <strong>The</strong>y were no doubt deliberately chosen <strong>in</strong><br />

2. G. Dalman, Grammatik des Jiidisch-Palast<strong>in</strong>ischen Aramaisch (Darmstadt,<br />

1981 [1927]), p. 13.

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