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The Torturer's Dilemma: Analyzing the Logic of Torture for Information

The Torturer's Dilemma: Analyzing the Logic of Torture for Information

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one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> primary justifications <strong>for</strong> torture – that <strong>the</strong>re is not enough time to ga<strong>the</strong>r that in<strong>for</strong>mation<br />

through o<strong>the</strong>r means – was not operative: but at <strong>the</strong> same time, <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> French would have time<br />

to verify <strong>the</strong> in<strong>for</strong>mation would also vitiate one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> primary dangers <strong>of</strong> torture – that <strong>the</strong> captive<br />

could simply hold out <strong>for</strong> long enough that <strong>the</strong> in<strong>for</strong>mation would become worthless.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Structure <strong>of</strong> Forces<br />

<strong>The</strong> FLN operation in Algiers had been designed with an eye towards secrecy. In classic<br />

terrorist fashion, <strong>the</strong> organization had been constructed as a series <strong>of</strong> hierarchical and interlocking cells,<br />

with a strong degree <strong>of</strong> decentralization in order to minimize <strong>the</strong> security risks involved. (Heggoy, p.<br />

128-9) <strong>The</strong> organization itself was split between a political arm, <strong>the</strong> OPA, and a military arm, which<br />

was in turn split along functional lines, with separate cells <strong>for</strong> building, distributing and planting<br />

bombs, and ano<strong>the</strong>r group <strong>of</strong> cells <strong>of</strong> armed gunmen responsible <strong>for</strong> assassinations and executions <strong>of</strong><br />

dangerous elements in <strong>the</strong> Muslim community. <strong>The</strong> main function <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> OPA was organizing <strong>the</strong><br />

populace, and above all raising taxes. It is important to recognize that <strong>the</strong> French saw no effective<br />

difference between <strong>the</strong> OPA and <strong>the</strong> military wing: <strong>the</strong> goal <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> French army was to stop <strong>the</strong> FLN,<br />

not individual bombs, and so <strong>the</strong> net cast by <strong>the</strong> military would be quite broad. In total, <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong><br />

FLN was relatively limited: <strong>the</strong> political arm included some 5,000 members, while <strong>the</strong> military arm<br />

never numbered more than 1500 – including about 100 gunmen and 50 members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> various bomber<br />

cells. (Talbott, p. 80) Thus, <strong>the</strong>re were about <strong>The</strong> gunmen and <strong>the</strong> bombing cells operated with<br />

different methods: in general, discriminate violence (against 'traitors', internal opponents and settler<br />

leaders) was <strong>the</strong> modus operandi <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gunmen – collective violence against settlers was practiced by<br />

<strong>the</strong> bombers. <strong>The</strong> numerical predominance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> OPA over <strong>the</strong> military wing stemmed from <strong>the</strong><br />

necessity <strong>of</strong> covering <strong>the</strong> Casbah with agents who could be used to ga<strong>the</strong>r in<strong>for</strong>mation, raise revenue,<br />

and deliver messages from one cell to ano<strong>the</strong>r: <strong>for</strong> terror purposes, a much smaller <strong>for</strong>ce would be<br />

necessary. 82<br />

Upon taking full power in Algiers, Massu organized his <strong>for</strong>ces to cover <strong>the</strong> city with static<br />

<strong>for</strong>ces to watch potential FLN targets and to control movement across <strong>the</strong> city. This system, known as<br />

quadrillage, was intended first <strong>of</strong> all to reduce <strong>the</strong> mobility <strong>of</strong> FLN agents, and secondly, to allow<br />

masked Muslims working with <strong>the</strong> French to identify suspected FLN as <strong>the</strong>y passed through. In<br />

82 For a breakdown <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cell structure <strong>for</strong> <strong>the</strong> FLN/ALN in <strong>the</strong> ZAA, see Pierre, p. 4-5<br />

88

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