COMMUNITY ACTIVISM IN OAK PARK: COMPETING AGENDAS ...
COMMUNITY ACTIVISM IN OAK PARK: COMPETING AGENDAS ...
COMMUNITY ACTIVISM IN OAK PARK: COMPETING AGENDAS ...
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the development of businesses) ignores the broader social context in which problems in<br />
the community occur.<br />
These “dilemmas” of activism reveals the tension implicit between improving<br />
geographic communities, helping individuals within that community, and focusing on<br />
issues of social class inequality (Rubin 1994:403). The overarching question posed is—<br />
who do revitalization projects benefit and how do the poor cope with neighborhood<br />
changes? Courville and Piper (2004:41) argue that “power is a factor in all social-change<br />
processes and hence will be a factor in discussions on the role of collective hope in social<br />
change.” Katznelson (1981) questions whether social change activities can<br />
simultaneously focus both upon ‘class’ and ‘community,’ as activities that target<br />
geographic or social communities distract attention from the class-based causes for<br />
economic equality. Social problems are perceived differently by residents, who will<br />
decide to join community groups based on how they define a social problem and how<br />
they believe social problems can be fixed. Each group believes the work they are doing<br />
is a collective effort that will benefit the poor. But agendas for change implicitly benefit<br />
some groups, while excluding others, and these agendas for change inherently work to<br />
further stratify and marginalize the poor.<br />
Community Groups in Oak Park<br />
In Oak Park, the role of community groups and their agendas for change come<br />
into conflict as their strategies for change overlap in public space. The agendas and<br />
strategies for change ultimately conflict in the community as initiatives to improve the<br />
community are undertaken. There are contradictions of the agendas of community<br />
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