COMMUNITY ACTIVISM IN OAK PARK: COMPETING AGENDAS ...

organizations conflict and tried to identify the reasons for the conflict in their agendas,
while also documenting how the conflicts are manifested in public discourse. Moreover,
I have tried to explain how some poor residents manage their routine in their daily lives
and to what extent community groups and non-profit organizations inform their daily
routine.
“Revitalization politics,” as portrayed in the public discourse of Oak Park,
revealed that a community is composed not only of physical characteristics such as
houses, shops, schools, and parks; it is also defined by the perspectives that residents
have of their neighborhood. Revitalization politics in Oak Park revealed there are
diverging perspectives on how to improve the quality of life for residents and also
demonstrated that competing agendas for change can cause conflict among middle-class
and lower-income residents. Residents defined their community in different ways, based
on their perspective of public space in the community and how they use it.
Residents in Oak Park have different aspirations and expectations, and also have
differential access to houses, shops, and schools. These economic and social disparities
affect perception of community. Semyonov (1981:360) argues that, “inequality among
place and communities should be understood not only as a result but also as a cause of
social stratification.” So, it is to be expected that their communities differ by their social
organization and availability of resources and opportunities because of their different
social, occupational, economic, and industrial make-up of each community (Semyonov
1981:360). Such is the case in Oak Park, where residents experience such stratification.
121