COMMUNITY ACTIVISM IN OAK PARK: COMPETING AGENDAS ...
COMMUNITY ACTIVISM IN OAK PARK: COMPETING AGENDAS ...
COMMUNITY ACTIVISM IN OAK PARK: COMPETING AGENDAS ...
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organizations conflict and tried to identify the reasons for the conflict in their agendas,<br />
while also documenting how the conflicts are manifested in public discourse. Moreover,<br />
I have tried to explain how some poor residents manage their routine in their daily lives<br />
and to what extent community groups and non-profit organizations inform their daily<br />
routine.<br />
“Revitalization politics,” as portrayed in the public discourse of Oak Park,<br />
revealed that a community is composed not only of physical characteristics such as<br />
houses, shops, schools, and parks; it is also defined by the perspectives that residents<br />
have of their neighborhood. Revitalization politics in Oak Park revealed there are<br />
diverging perspectives on how to improve the quality of life for residents and also<br />
demonstrated that competing agendas for change can cause conflict among middle-class<br />
and lower-income residents. Residents defined their community in different ways, based<br />
on their perspective of public space in the community and how they use it.<br />
Residents in Oak Park have different aspirations and expectations, and also have<br />
differential access to houses, shops, and schools. These economic and social disparities<br />
affect perception of community. Semyonov (1981:360) argues that, “inequality among<br />
place and communities should be understood not only as a result but also as a cause of<br />
social stratification.” So, it is to be expected that their communities differ by their social<br />
organization and availability of resources and opportunities because of their different<br />
social, occupational, economic, and industrial make-up of each community (Semyonov<br />
1981:360). Such is the case in Oak Park, where residents experience such stratification.<br />
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