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COMMUNITY ACTIVISM IN OAK PARK: COMPETING AGENDAS ...

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esidents have “rights to the city,” while others do not. Rights to the city are manifested<br />

in neighborhood activism and are revealed in the public discourse of neighborhood<br />

revitalization projects that are implemented to improve the quality of life for some<br />

residents. While some residents participate in revitalization projects and have the power<br />

to approve projects, other residents do not. Diverging perspectives about how to improve<br />

the quality of life for residents also creates social conflict among the middle-class and<br />

lower-income residents in the neighborhood.<br />

Social conflict occurs as a result of the residents’ different perspectives on how<br />

community “problems” are defined and of how to address these social problems in the<br />

neighborhood. Middle-class residents, participating in Neighborhood Association<br />

meetings, support increased police surveillance, revitalization projects to “beautify” the<br />

neighborhood, the closure of liquor stores through eminent domain, increased<br />

development, historic preservation projects, and increased business growth in the<br />

neighborhood. Their powerful “revitalization politics” have gained momentum and<br />

increased resident participation in revitalization projects. In addition, women working to<br />

create grassroots projects focus their efforts to help improve the lives of women and<br />

children, labor activists argue that the poor will only be able to acquire social mobility<br />

through policy changes, and non-profit organizations coordinate programs to provide<br />

basic needs to the poor.<br />

But middle-class community activists inevitably exercise “rights to the city” and<br />

get to decide who else has rights to public space in their community. They illustrate<br />

those rights through “upscaling” Oak Park through development projects, which causes<br />

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