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THE MONTGOMERY BUS BOYCOTT:<br />
A MODEL FOR HISTORICAL THINKING IN EDUCATION<br />
A Project<br />
Presented to <strong>the</strong> faculty of <strong>the</strong> Department of History<br />
California State University, Sacramento<br />
Submitted in partial satisfaction of<br />
<strong>the</strong> requirements for <strong>the</strong> degree of<br />
MASTER OF ARTS<br />
in<br />
History<br />
by<br />
Monica Rae French<br />
SPRING<br />
2012
Approved by:<br />
THE MONTGOMERY BUS BOYCOTT:<br />
A MODEL FOR HISTORICAL THINKING IN EDUCATION<br />
A Project<br />
by<br />
Monica Rae French<br />
__________________________________, Committee Chair<br />
Chloe Burke<br />
__________________________________, Second Reader<br />
Donald Azevada<br />
____________________________<br />
Date<br />
ii
Student: Monica Rae French<br />
I certify that this student has met <strong>the</strong> requirements for format contained in <strong>the</strong> University<br />
format manual, <strong>and</strong> that this project is suitable for shelving in <strong>the</strong> Library <strong>and</strong> credit is to<br />
be awarded for <strong>the</strong> project.<br />
__________________________, Graduate Coordinator ___________________<br />
Mona Siegel Date<br />
Department of History<br />
iii
Statement of Problem<br />
Abstract<br />
of<br />
THE MONTGOMERY BUS BOYCOTT:<br />
A MODEL FOR HISTORICAL THINKING IN EDUCATION<br />
by<br />
Monica Rae French<br />
The Women’s Political Council fought bus segregation in Montgomery, Alabama,<br />
prior to <strong>the</strong> 1955 bus boycott but <strong>the</strong>se women are often neglected in teaching about <strong>the</strong><br />
civil rights movement. Women such as Jo Ann Robinson, who led <strong>the</strong> Women’s Political<br />
Council in Montgomery in <strong>the</strong> 1950s, as well as <strong>the</strong> women involved in Browder v.<br />
Gayle, that ultimately declared bus segregation to be unconstitutional, are important to<br />
underst<strong>and</strong>ing <strong>the</strong> bus boycott in its complexity. These women were tireless innovators<br />
who blazed <strong>the</strong> trail for <strong>the</strong> boycott to be successful. Their often forgotten achievements<br />
are important in underst<strong>and</strong>ing <strong>the</strong> role of women in <strong>the</strong> boycott <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> boycott itself.<br />
Highlighting <strong>the</strong> complex <strong>and</strong> underlying causes of <strong>the</strong> boycott <strong>and</strong> women’s role in <strong>the</strong><br />
boycott teaches students that <strong>the</strong> boycott did not “just happen.” It was <strong>the</strong> result of<br />
gendered, racial <strong>and</strong> <strong>economic</strong> tensions gradually brought to light by people willing to<br />
bravely challenge <strong>the</strong> status quo. Emphasizing primary source investigation, this project<br />
proposes 11 th grade history curriculum on <strong>the</strong> bus boycott <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Women’s Political<br />
iv
Council that serves as a model for incorporating historical thinking in history educators’<br />
classrooms.<br />
Sources of Data<br />
Primary source material used in this project to demonstrate <strong>the</strong> origins <strong>and</strong><br />
strategies of <strong>the</strong> WPC, include memoirs <strong>and</strong> oral histories of women “trailblazers” such<br />
as Jo Ann Robinson, Mary Fair Burks <strong>and</strong> Rosa Parks; voting records, bus passenger<br />
population, <strong>and</strong> voting <strong>and</strong> census records; legal documents such as laws specific to bus<br />
segregation <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Browder v. Gayle Supreme Court. Finally, history pedagogy<br />
references include educational studies produced by Sam Wineburg.<br />
Conclusions Reached<br />
The Women’s Political Council was <strong>the</strong> catalyst for <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus boycott.<br />
The black female professors <strong>and</strong> professionals in Montgomery were <strong>the</strong> original<br />
trailblazers of <strong>the</strong> civil rights movement. The Montgomery bus boycott <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> WPC<br />
provide an excellent model for teaching a complex civil rights event, encouraging critical<br />
thinking, <strong>and</strong> historical thinking skills<br />
_______________________, Committee Chair<br />
Chloe Burke<br />
_______________________<br />
Date<br />
v
Once again, to Nolan.<br />
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS<br />
vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS<br />
vii<br />
Page<br />
Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................ vi<br />
Chapter<br />
1. INTRODUCTION: TEACHING THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN THE CIVIL RIGHTS<br />
…MOVEMENT ................................................................................................................. 1<br />
Teaching <strong>the</strong> Civil Rights Movement ............................................................................. 4<br />
Teaching <strong>the</strong> Montgomery Bus Boycott ......................................................................... 7<br />
2. RECOGNIZING THE WOMEN TRAILBLAZERS OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS<br />
…MOVEMENT ............................................................................................................... 12<br />
3. PREPARING FOR THE REVOLUTION: WPC’S CAMPAIGN AGAINST BUS<br />
…SEGREGATION IN MONTGOMERY ....................................................................... 26<br />
Introduction ................................................................................................................... 26<br />
Women’s Political Council ........................................................................................... 29<br />
Fighting Montgomery’s Segregated Bus System ......................................................... 34<br />
The Search for a Model Case ........................................................................................ 42<br />
The Boycott Begins....................................................................................................... 48<br />
The Browder Case......................................................................................................... 53<br />
4. TEACHING THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT ...................................................... 59<br />
Historical Thinking ....................................................................................................... 59
Teaching with Historical Documents <strong>and</strong> Images ........................................................ 60<br />
Web-Based Historical Research ................................................................................... 67<br />
Performance Assessments ............................................................................................. 70<br />
Conclusion .................................................................................................................... 73<br />
Appendix A. Teaching Application .................................................................................. 75<br />
Forward ......................................................................................................................... 75<br />
Model Lesson Plans ...................................................................................................... 77<br />
Web Quest ................................................................................................................. 77<br />
Activities/Lessons for Images ................................................................................... 79<br />
Document Strategies/Activities ................................................................................ 81<br />
Montgomery Bus Boycott PowerPoint Presentation ................................................ 83<br />
Document Based <strong>Question</strong> ........................................................................................ 86<br />
DBQ Teachers Guide ................................................................................................ 91<br />
DBQ Student Support ............................................................................................... 93<br />
Museum Project ........................................................................................................ 95<br />
Montgomery Bus Boycott: Background Essay ....................................................... 100<br />
Historical Reference (People) ................................................................................. 102<br />
Historical Reference (Terms) .................................................................................. 106<br />
Historical Analysis Tools ............................................................................................ 109<br />
Primary <strong>and</strong> Secondary Sources ............................................................................. 109<br />
viii
Three Levels of <strong>Question</strong>ing ................................................................................... 110<br />
SOAPS .................................................................................................................... 111<br />
Document Analysis Worksheet ............................................................................... 112<br />
Photo Analysis Worksheet ...................................................................................... 113<br />
Cartoon Analysis Worksheet .................................................................................. 114<br />
Artifact Analysis Worksheet ................................................................................... 115<br />
Map Analysis Worksheet ........................................................................................ 116<br />
Historical Primary Sources: Photographs, Documents, Interviews ............................ 117<br />
Document Guiding <strong>Question</strong>s ................................................................................. 117<br />
Interview Guiding <strong>Question</strong>s .................................................................................. 117<br />
Images .................................................................................................................... 118<br />
Documents .............................................................................................................. 127<br />
Interviews ................................................................................................................ 147<br />
Claudette Colvin ................................................................................................. 147<br />
Rosa Parks ........................................................................................................... 150<br />
Fred Gray Sr. ....................................................................................................... 154<br />
Jo Ann Robinson ................................................................................................. 156<br />
Additional Montgomery Bus Boycott Web Sources .................................................. 160<br />
Bibliography ................................................................................................................... 161<br />
ix
CHAPTER ONE<br />
INTRODUCTION: TEACHING THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN THE CIVIL RIGHTS<br />
MOVEMENT<br />
History is <strong>the</strong> most important subject in <strong>the</strong> development of a civically minded<br />
citizen. It has <strong>the</strong> ability to bring diverse individuals toge<strong>the</strong>r, teach about mistakes of<br />
<strong>the</strong> past, <strong>and</strong> engage individuals in <strong>the</strong> important critical thinking process of cause <strong>and</strong><br />
effect. Because of history’s power, people have manipulated <strong>the</strong> subject to create<br />
stereotypes, biases, <strong>and</strong> false information. When Woodrow Wilson, once faculty at<br />
Princeton University, proclaimed <strong>the</strong> Klan-loving Birth of a Nation was “writing history<br />
with lightning, <strong>and</strong> my only regret is that it is all so terribly true” he proved how<br />
sometimes history is really just a story. Yet, Wilson’s message, as well as <strong>the</strong> film can<br />
serve as an important history lesson simply by posing <strong>the</strong> question “why?” to <strong>the</strong><br />
students. “Why?” is <strong>the</strong> most important question in teaching historical thinking <strong>and</strong><br />
preparing students to becoming active citizens. “Why?” challenges <strong>the</strong> students to think<br />
about cause <strong>and</strong> effect in <strong>the</strong> historical event at h<strong>and</strong>, <strong>and</strong> to ask “why” in <strong>the</strong>ir civic<br />
lives.<br />
History teachers have <strong>the</strong> difficult task of teaching, <strong>and</strong> having students memorize<br />
a variety of information for <strong>the</strong> purpose of st<strong>and</strong>ardize testing. This in itself is a task that<br />
most teachers <strong>and</strong> students find difficult. Because of that, many teachers <strong>and</strong> students<br />
resort to <strong>the</strong> “kill <strong>and</strong> drill” method involving daily Power Points <strong>and</strong> routine note taking,<br />
culminating in a multiple choice test at <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> week. Commonly, after analyzing<br />
<strong>the</strong> test results, if <strong>the</strong> teacher feels that <strong>the</strong> students did not grasp <strong>the</strong> information <strong>the</strong>y<br />
1
epeat <strong>the</strong> process, with new information. This is <strong>the</strong> task of <strong>the</strong> history teacher in<br />
today’s society of API test score pressure <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> continued anxiety oozing from<br />
administration offices to improve test scores.<br />
Memorization is an important skill for students to learn; however, it should not be<br />
<strong>the</strong> chief skill learned in a history class. Students need to learn how to think historically.<br />
While mastering information allows students to structure opinions <strong>and</strong> form an argument,<br />
it does not teach <strong>the</strong>m how to think. In order to demonstrate a variety of levels of<br />
thinking, in 1956 Benjamin Bloom developed “Bloom’s Taxonomy of Learning.” This<br />
pyramid-shaped classification table places <strong>the</strong> greatest amount of emphasis on<br />
“Knowledge” as foundational for learning. Knowledge preceeds comprehension,<br />
application, analysis, syn<strong>the</strong>sis, <strong>and</strong> evaluation. Many educators, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir administrators<br />
who evaluate <strong>the</strong>m, argue that <strong>the</strong> ultimate goal of <strong>the</strong> student should be evaluation.<br />
However, Sam Wineburg, <strong>and</strong> one of his doctoral students at Stanford, question Bloom’s<br />
taxonomy placement of knowledge at <strong>the</strong> bottom <strong>and</strong> evaluation at <strong>the</strong> top of <strong>the</strong><br />
pyramid. 1 After giving a primary document to a variety of successful Advanced<br />
Placement United States history students, Wineburg <strong>and</strong> his associate determined what<br />
was lacking in history education was an underst<strong>and</strong>ing of context. Most of <strong>the</strong> students<br />
took an 1892 document about memorializing Columbus Day, placed it in a modern<br />
context, <strong>and</strong> proceeded to draw conclusions based on perceptions of Christopher<br />
Columbus in present day. They drew on <strong>the</strong>ir background knowledge about <strong>the</strong> famous<br />
1 Sam Wineburg <strong>and</strong> Jack Schneider, “Was Bloom’s Taxonomy Pointed in <strong>the</strong> Wrong Direction?” Kappan<br />
91, no. 4, December 20009/January 2010, 56-61.<br />
2
explorer <strong>and</strong> formed an opinion about. The students were not able to tackle <strong>the</strong> document<br />
from <strong>the</strong> point of view of <strong>the</strong> time when <strong>the</strong> document was created. The students did not<br />
ask “why” that document was created in 1892, or what was going on at that time to<br />
motivate President Benjamin Harrison to proclaim <strong>the</strong> first Columbus Day. These<br />
students did what is typical of most high school history students—<strong>the</strong>y answered<br />
questions without asking <strong>the</strong>m first, <strong>and</strong> gave answers based in present-day knowledge<br />
without contextual analysis. Teachers train students to use documents to answer a<br />
question <strong>and</strong> not to pose fur<strong>the</strong>r questions. However, as Wineburg’s study proved,<br />
“knowledge possessed does not automatically mean knowledge deployed.” 2<br />
The Department of Education has gradually come to <strong>the</strong> conclusion that history<br />
education should not be completely measured <strong>and</strong> structured around <strong>the</strong> memorization of<br />
facts. Because of this, since 2010 California, as well as many o<strong>the</strong>r states, have<br />
encouraged <strong>the</strong> development of common core st<strong>and</strong>ards—st<strong>and</strong>ards not just focused on<br />
historical facts, but based in <strong>the</strong> use of skills of historical reading <strong>and</strong> analysis. These<br />
st<strong>and</strong>ards emphasize <strong>the</strong> ability to analyze historical discourse (RH 11-12.4), evaluate<br />
authors’ differing points of view for <strong>the</strong> same historical event (RH 11-12.6), integrate <strong>and</strong><br />
evaluate multiple sources of information to answer an historical question (RH 11-12.7)<br />
<strong>and</strong> integrate information from diverse sources, discerning discrepancies form <strong>the</strong> <strong>various</strong><br />
sources (RH 11-12.9). 3 California plans to adopt <strong>the</strong>se nation-wide st<strong>and</strong>ards by <strong>the</strong><br />
2014-2015 school year to accompany revised content-based st<strong>and</strong>ards. These common<br />
2 “Was Bloom’s Taxonomy Pointed in <strong>the</strong> Wrong Direction?” 60.<br />
3 “English, Language-Arts St<strong>and</strong>ards: History/Social Studies Grades 11-12.” Common Core State<br />
St<strong>and</strong>ards Initiative (accessed 13 March 2012) <br />
3
core st<strong>and</strong>ards illustrate <strong>the</strong> new wave in history education. History content st<strong>and</strong>ards in<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir st<strong>and</strong>-alone form promote learning history as <strong>the</strong> memorization of facts. However,<br />
being able to interpret data, recognize bias, <strong>and</strong> analyze why <strong>and</strong> how sources differ are<br />
skills that transcend <strong>the</strong> history discipline <strong>and</strong> support a student’s civic life, <strong>and</strong> future<br />
career in a variety of disciplines.<br />
An important way to teach students how to create historical questions is to present<br />
<strong>the</strong>m with primary documents while reinforcing basic historical knowledge. When<br />
students learn to think about a document, person, or event in its historical context not<br />
only will students more aptly memorize <strong>the</strong> information for st<strong>and</strong>ardized tests as<br />
dem<strong>and</strong>ed by state <strong>and</strong> federal governments, <strong>the</strong>y acquire critical thinking skills that <strong>the</strong>y<br />
can transfer into o<strong>the</strong>r scholastic subjects <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir lives.<br />
Teaching <strong>the</strong> Civil Rights Movement<br />
Content St<strong>and</strong>ard 11.10 for United States History <strong>and</strong> Geography education<br />
California public schools for grade eleven reads, “Students will analyze <strong>the</strong> development<br />
of federal civil rights <strong>and</strong> voting rights.” The st<strong>and</strong>ards break down fur<strong>the</strong>r to read<br />
“11.10.4: Examine <strong>the</strong> roles of civil rights advocates (e.g., A. Philip R<strong>and</strong>olph, Martin<br />
Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr., Malcolm X, Thurgood Marshall, James Farmer, Rosa Parks) . . .” 4<br />
While California History St<strong>and</strong>ards allow for teachers to include <strong>the</strong> histories of o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
significant individuals, it is abundantly clear that <strong>the</strong> individuals listed must be taught in<br />
4 “Grade Eleven United States History <strong>and</strong> Geography: Continuity <strong>and</strong> Change in <strong>the</strong> Twentieth Century”<br />
History-Social Science Content St<strong>and</strong>ards for California Public Schools,<br />
http://www.cde.ca.gov/be/st/ss/documents/histsocscistnd.pdf, 59. Accessed March 30, 2012.<br />
4
preparation for <strong>the</strong> California St<strong>and</strong>ards Test (CST) in Social Science administered every<br />
spring. Despite some pedagogical freedom for history teachers, when examining <strong>the</strong> civil<br />
rights movement many teachers mainly focus on <strong>the</strong> individuals listed in <strong>the</strong> st<strong>and</strong>ards, or<br />
rely on <strong>the</strong> few exp<strong>and</strong>ed upon in <strong>the</strong> textbook. However, by teaching students about<br />
everyday people who influenced <strong>and</strong> shaped <strong>the</strong> movement, <strong>the</strong>y will be able to<br />
underst<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> individuals listed in <strong>the</strong> st<strong>and</strong>ards more effectively. It is <strong>the</strong> goal of this<br />
<strong>the</strong>sis project is to help teachers prepare students for <strong>the</strong> CST through st<strong>and</strong>ard 11.10 by<br />
increasing a student’s ability to think historically through primary sources, teach modern-<br />
day researching skills <strong>and</strong> exp<strong>and</strong> both student <strong>and</strong> teacher knowledge of significant,<br />
although underrepresented, individuals of <strong>the</strong> civil rights movement.<br />
In today’s content st<strong>and</strong>ards, <strong>the</strong>re is an emphasis on students learning <strong>the</strong> history<br />
of <strong>the</strong> modern African-American civil rights movement. Because of this emphasis, <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> creation of content-based st<strong>and</strong>ards, American students have a greater knowledge of<br />
key civil rights activists than in previous generations. Between June 2005 <strong>and</strong> August<br />
2006 Sam Wineburg <strong>and</strong> assistant professor of education at <strong>the</strong> University of Maryl<strong>and</strong><br />
Chauncey Monte-Sano posed an important question to American high school students. 5<br />
Curious about how changes in curriculum materials influenced popular historical<br />
consciousness, <strong>the</strong> two scholars asked “Who is a ‘famous’ American?” Students were<br />
allowed to choose individuals from Columbus to present day, but not presidents or <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
wives. With <strong>the</strong> surveys returned, Wineburg <strong>and</strong> Monte-Sano discovered that <strong>the</strong> top<br />
5 Chauncey Monte-Sano <strong>and</strong> Sam Wineburg, “Famous Americans: The Changing Pan<strong>the</strong>on of American<br />
Heroes.” Journal of American History (2008), 1188.<br />
5
three names were all African American: Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr., Rosa Parks <strong>and</strong> Harriet<br />
Tubman. These results reflect developments in history curriculum since <strong>the</strong> 1960s.<br />
In 1926 Carter Woodson <strong>the</strong> founder of <strong>the</strong> Journal of Negro History designated<br />
<strong>the</strong> week in February that included <strong>the</strong> birthdays of Abraham Lincoln <strong>and</strong> Frederick<br />
Douglass as “Negro History Week.” 6 That year <strong>the</strong>re were parades <strong>and</strong> educational<br />
events; however, it was not until <strong>the</strong> civil rights movement of <strong>the</strong> 1960s that white<br />
America noticed <strong>the</strong> lack of African American history in schools <strong>and</strong> research. 7<br />
Researchers at Smith College’s Center for Study of Social <strong>and</strong> Political Changed<br />
discovered that Dred Scott was <strong>the</strong> only African American figure mentioned multiple<br />
times in high school textbooks. 8 African Americans, as well as women <strong>and</strong> Native<br />
Americans were virtually ignored. Amazed at <strong>the</strong>se findings, Congress investigated <strong>the</strong><br />
bias in textbooks <strong>and</strong> encouraged states to pass laws prohibiting prejudicial treatment of<br />
minorities <strong>and</strong> that instructional material, lesson plans, units, <strong>and</strong> books include a<br />
“balanced portrayal of ethnic groups.” 9 While teachers clamored for materials for <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
classroom, a new wave of <strong>social</strong> historians widened <strong>the</strong> historical scope to include<br />
diverse studies of African Americans, as well as women <strong>and</strong> workers.<br />
Although some historians, teachers <strong>and</strong> students were pleased with <strong>the</strong> new<br />
deluge of materials on African American history, <strong>the</strong> purpose of introducing new<br />
materials was somewhat controversial. Both white <strong>and</strong> black people in education debated<br />
6 Larry Cuban “Not ‘Whe<strong>the</strong>r?’ But ‘Why? <strong>and</strong> How?’—Instructional Materials on <strong>the</strong> Negro in <strong>the</strong> Public<br />
Schools The Journal of Negro Education , Vol. 36, No. 4 (Autumn, 1967), 434.<br />
7 Famous Americans: The Changing Pan<strong>the</strong>on of American Heroes,” 1186.<br />
8 “Famous Americans: The Changing Pan<strong>the</strong>on of American Heroes,” 1187.<br />
Frances FitzGerald,<br />
9 Cuban, 434.<br />
6
about who <strong>and</strong> what to teach, as well as what goals <strong>the</strong>re should be. In 1967 The Journal<br />
of Negro Education concluded that <strong>the</strong> purpose of teaching African American history in<br />
school was to offer white <strong>and</strong> black students a more balanced picture of <strong>the</strong> American<br />
past while removing misinformation <strong>and</strong> stereotypes as well as improving interracial<br />
relationships <strong>and</strong> improving <strong>the</strong> self esteem of <strong>the</strong> black student. 10 Teaching African<br />
American history in this way, however, offers a limited perspective of African American<br />
history, by teaching only “heroes” <strong>and</strong> neglecting <strong>the</strong> broader meaning of <strong>the</strong> African<br />
American experience throughout American history.<br />
The Wineburg <strong>and</strong> Monte-Sano study illustrates that forty years later <strong>the</strong> concerns<br />
raised in <strong>the</strong> Journal of Negro Education continue to ring true—students are familiar with<br />
African Americans in American history, but only those few heroes who are portrayed “in<br />
a realistically positive light.” 11<br />
Teaching <strong>the</strong> Montgomery Bus Boycott<br />
The Montgomery bus boycott has been studied from a variety of points of view.<br />
Scholars have eagerly uncovered <strong>the</strong> boycott from a religious perspective by examining<br />
<strong>the</strong> role of reverends such as Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr. <strong>and</strong> Ralph Abernathy who are<br />
particularly well represented in popular histories. These histories emphasize <strong>the</strong><br />
importance local churches played in launching <strong>and</strong> organizing <strong>the</strong> boycott <strong>and</strong> ultimately<br />
10 Cuban, 434.<br />
11 Cuban, 435.<br />
7
its success. 12 In <strong>the</strong> traditional narrative, mass meetings <strong>and</strong> donations collected through<br />
<strong>the</strong> church helped to unify <strong>the</strong> African American population of Montgomery, leading to a<br />
successful boycott <strong>and</strong> an overturning of bus segregation laws. The details of <strong>the</strong> boycott<br />
are also presented from a legal perspective. Prominent African American NAACP<br />
chapter president E. D. Nixon is popularly cast as <strong>the</strong> hero in this history. He worked<br />
tirelessly with white politicians, leaders in <strong>the</strong> African American community, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Women’s Political Council (WPC) to find <strong>the</strong> right case to change bus segregation laws.<br />
The religious <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> legal perspectives often overlap as Nixon sought <strong>the</strong> approval from<br />
Montgomery congregations prior to changing segregation legislation.<br />
Until recently, civil rights historiography has underemphasized <strong>the</strong> role women<br />
played in creating <strong>and</strong> charting <strong>the</strong> course of <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus boycott, <strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong><br />
history classroom women are represented only by Rosa Parks. This project reveals that<br />
<strong>political</strong>ly minded women united in <strong>the</strong> Women’s Political Council to fight segregation<br />
prior to <strong>the</strong> 1955 boycott, <strong>and</strong> argues that <strong>the</strong>ir organizational actions were important to<br />
achieving success during <strong>the</strong> boycott. This <strong>the</strong>sis offers a history of <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus<br />
boycott that places women at <strong>the</strong> center. Key questions addressed include: Why was <strong>the</strong><br />
WPC created? What were <strong>the</strong>ir goals? How did <strong>the</strong> WPC influence <strong>the</strong> bus boycott, <strong>the</strong><br />
NACCP, <strong>and</strong> SCLC? To what extent was <strong>the</strong> boycott successful because of WPC<br />
efforts? How did <strong>the</strong> WPC shape <strong>the</strong> Browder v. Gayle (1956) case?<br />
12 See Lawrence D. Reddick, Crusader without Violence: A Biography of Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr. (New<br />
York, 1959); Lerone Bennett, Jr., What Manner of Man: A Biography of Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr. (Chicago:<br />
1968); David L. Lewis, King: A Biography (Urbana, Ill., 1978), Ira Zepp, The Social Vision of Martin<br />
Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr. (Brooklyn, NY: Carlson Publishing, 1989).<br />
8
Studies of <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus boycott began almost as soon as <strong>the</strong> boycott<br />
ended. One of <strong>the</strong> first was penned by King himself, who emphasized <strong>the</strong> role of <strong>the</strong><br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Christian Leadership Conference in <strong>the</strong> success of <strong>the</strong> boycott. Shortly after<br />
King’s Stride Toward Freedom, o<strong>the</strong>r SCLC staff members, notably Charles Fager <strong>and</strong><br />
Ralph Smeltzer reported <strong>the</strong>ir accounts on <strong>the</strong> boycott emphasizing <strong>the</strong> role of <strong>the</strong><br />
church. 13 Social historian Doug McAdam argues that <strong>the</strong> boycott arose when sou<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
blacks mobilized <strong>the</strong>ir own organizational resources ra<strong>the</strong>r than waiting for legislation.<br />
This project adopts a similar approach by focusing on an all-black organization, <strong>the</strong><br />
Women’s Political Council (WPC), <strong>and</strong> its efforts to protest Montgomery’s bus laws in<br />
<strong>the</strong> years prior to <strong>the</strong> 1955 boycott, <strong>and</strong> significantly its recognition of <strong>the</strong> need to unify a<br />
<strong>social</strong>ly, <strong>economic</strong>ally, <strong>and</strong> <strong>political</strong>ly divided black community uneasy with disrupting<br />
<strong>the</strong> status quo. This project differs from historians such as Aldon Morris who argues <strong>the</strong><br />
boycott gained merit from local organizational centers, but emphasizes <strong>the</strong> role of <strong>the</strong><br />
church in creating movement centers. 14 David Garrow remains <strong>the</strong> foremost expert on<br />
<strong>the</strong> boycott, examining legal, religious, <strong>and</strong> <strong>social</strong> dimensions of <strong>the</strong> boycott. 15 He is one<br />
of <strong>the</strong> first historians, without a first h<strong>and</strong> experience of <strong>the</strong> boycott, to discuss <strong>the</strong> WPC.<br />
However, until recently, o<strong>the</strong>r historians have only lightly mentioned <strong>the</strong> WPC or <strong>the</strong> role<br />
of women in <strong>the</strong> boycott.<br />
Prior to Rosa Parks, women in Montgomery from a variety of socio-<strong>economic</strong><br />
classes, <strong>and</strong> levels of education protested bus segregation laws by refusing to give up<br />
13 Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr., Stride Toward Freedom (Boston: Beacon Press, 2010)<br />
14 Aldon Morris, Origins of <strong>the</strong> Civil Rights Movement (New York: Free Press, 1986)<br />
15 The Walking City: The Montgomery Bus Boycott, 1955-1956, ed. David Garrow (Brooklyn, New York:<br />
Carlson Publishing, 1989).<br />
9
<strong>the</strong>ir seats. The Women’s Political Council was an all-female African American <strong>political</strong><br />
group organized <strong>and</strong> led by college professors who worked tirelessly to address <strong>the</strong><br />
injustices experienced by black individuals (predominantly women) who rode <strong>the</strong> buses<br />
everyday. The WPC sought <strong>the</strong> legal advice of E. D. Nixon, <strong>the</strong> president of <strong>the</strong><br />
Montgomery chapter of <strong>the</strong> NACCP, <strong>and</strong> religious advice from Reverend Ralph<br />
Abernathy. However, prior to <strong>the</strong> arrest of Rosa Parks, many legal, religious, black<br />
business <strong>and</strong> community organizations refused to help <strong>the</strong> WPC in <strong>the</strong>ir pursuit of fair<br />
bus legislation. Both Nixon <strong>and</strong> Abernathy claimed that it was not <strong>the</strong> right time; that <strong>the</strong><br />
city was not ready; <strong>and</strong> that o<strong>the</strong>r women who resisted segregation were not good “test<br />
cases” for change through <strong>the</strong> legal system. The WPC, however, never gave up <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y<br />
were prepared to launch a boycott when Parks refused to give up her seat. They sent<br />
dem<strong>and</strong>s to bus drivers, politicians <strong>and</strong> newspapers, promising that if segregated seating<br />
on <strong>the</strong> city busses did not end, <strong>the</strong>re would be <strong>economic</strong> consequences for <strong>the</strong> city <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
transportation system. These letters challenged <strong>the</strong> status quote but were always signed,<br />
“Respectfully yours.” Because of <strong>the</strong>ir prior preparation, <strong>the</strong> WPC was able to quickly<br />
mimeograph notices of a bus boycott <strong>the</strong> night Parks was arrested <strong>and</strong> delivers <strong>the</strong>se to<br />
black schools, churches, <strong>and</strong> places of business. This project argues that <strong>the</strong> WPC was<br />
<strong>the</strong> organizational machine behind <strong>the</strong> efforts in Montgomery to end segregation in public<br />
facilities. Although <strong>the</strong>y were as important as Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr. to <strong>the</strong> success of<br />
<strong>the</strong> boycott, <strong>the</strong> WPC remains dramatically underrepresented in historical scholarship on<br />
<strong>the</strong> subject <strong>and</strong> in classroom teaching.<br />
10
Answering <strong>the</strong> question “why” will not only encourage <strong>the</strong> students to think<br />
historically, it will prepare <strong>the</strong>m to be civically-minded citizens in today’s world, <strong>and</strong> will<br />
ultimately result in <strong>the</strong> students underst<strong>and</strong>ing, not just memorizing, basic knowledge for<br />
<strong>the</strong> CST. This project aims to use <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus boycott as a model for engaging<br />
students in historical thinking. Chapter Two, “Recognizing <strong>the</strong> Women Trailblazers of<br />
<strong>the</strong> Civil Rights Movement” is a brief historiography of studies of women in <strong>the</strong> modern<br />
African American civil rights movement. The focus is chiefly on how specific female<br />
activists such as Daisy Bates, Jo Ann Robinson <strong>and</strong> Rosa Parks reflected on <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
involvement in <strong>the</strong> movement. Chapter Three, “Preparing for <strong>the</strong> Revolution: WPC’s<br />
Campaign against Bus Segregation in Montgomery,” analyzes <strong>the</strong> role <strong>the</strong> Women’s<br />
Political Council’s played in organizing <strong>the</strong> boycott. Special attention is paid to why <strong>the</strong><br />
WPC formed, how <strong>the</strong>y reached <strong>the</strong> goal of ending bus segregation <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir influence on<br />
organizing <strong>the</strong> black community in preparation for a city-wide boycott. Chapter Four,<br />
“Teaching <strong>the</strong> Civil Rights Movement,” examines methods of teaching historical thinking<br />
skills, why this approach is important, <strong>and</strong> how it can be accomplished through model<br />
lesson plans on <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus boycott <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> WPC. The Appendix presents a<br />
number of lessons, tools <strong>and</strong> activities that are aimed at teaching students to think<br />
historically. In <strong>the</strong>se classroom materials, students learn to analyze history by thinking<br />
about people <strong>and</strong> events in a specific historical context. The Appendix offers a<br />
comprehensive unit on <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus boycott, as a model to encourage <strong>the</strong> sort of<br />
historical depth that is needed in society today, as well as connect with <strong>the</strong> Common Core<br />
St<strong>and</strong>ards.<br />
11
CHAPTER TWO<br />
RECOGNIZING THE WOMEN TRAILBLAZERS OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS<br />
MOVEMENT<br />
The civil rights movement of <strong>the</strong> mid-twentieth century influenced activists across<br />
<strong>the</strong> United States <strong>and</strong> around <strong>the</strong> world for over fifty years. African Americans’ fight to<br />
end segregation <strong>and</strong> ensure equal rights among its citizens was fought in very diverse<br />
ways, in a variety of settings. Groups such as <strong>the</strong> National Association for <strong>the</strong><br />
Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) launched campaigns in <strong>the</strong> legal world.<br />
Because <strong>the</strong>y believed <strong>the</strong> Constitution of <strong>the</strong> United States was on <strong>the</strong>ir side, <strong>the</strong>y took<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir battles to <strong>the</strong> courtroom. Thurgood Marshall led <strong>the</strong> team that proved <strong>the</strong><br />
effectiveness of this strategy in <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>mark Supreme Court Brown v. Board of<br />
Education decision in 1954 that ended racial segregation in schools. O<strong>the</strong>r groups, such<br />
as Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr.’s Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) believed<br />
that non-violent direct action <strong>and</strong> church-based leadership should be at <strong>the</strong> center of <strong>the</strong><br />
movement. Beginning with <strong>the</strong> bus boycott in Montgomery, Alabama, King, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Reverends Abernathy <strong>and</strong> Shuttlesworth used this method to lead protest marches <strong>and</strong><br />
rallies for racial equality across <strong>the</strong> country from Selma, Alabama to Washington, D.C.<br />
Between <strong>the</strong> 1960s <strong>and</strong> 1980s, influenced by an increase of feminist studies <strong>and</strong><br />
stemming from <strong>the</strong> new <strong>social</strong> history of <strong>the</strong> 1960s, many civil rights historians began to<br />
examine <strong>the</strong> experiences <strong>and</strong> role of women in <strong>the</strong> movement. These histories emphasize<br />
<strong>the</strong> significant participation of women as organizers. One of <strong>the</strong> first to advance this<br />
argument was Mary Fair Burks, <strong>the</strong> founder of <strong>the</strong> Women’s Political Council in<br />
12
Montgomery, Alabama. Reflecting on <strong>the</strong> role of women in 1955 bus boycott, Burks<br />
argues that black women in <strong>the</strong> civil rights movement were “trailblazers,” which she<br />
defines as a pioneer in a field of endeavor, in distinction to <strong>the</strong> torchbearer who “follows<br />
<strong>the</strong> trailblazer, imparting tested knowledge or truth provided originally by <strong>the</strong> pioneer in<br />
its rudimentary form.” 16 Burks argues that many African American women were<br />
trailblazers, <strong>and</strong> many African American men were torchbearers. Black women all over<br />
<strong>the</strong> United States from Reconstruction through <strong>the</strong> civil rights movement blazed a path to<br />
equality. Many black female activists, however, remained anonymous <strong>and</strong> invisible to<br />
history. Because of <strong>the</strong>ir experience of <strong>the</strong> triple bind of oppression—racism, sexism <strong>and</strong><br />
classism – black women experienced subjugation <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> movement differently than<br />
black men. In contrast with male activists who led <strong>the</strong> national organizations, or<br />
participated as lawyers, women often started local, grassroots movements, <strong>and</strong> protested<br />
consumer inequality.<br />
Beginning with studies published in <strong>the</strong>1950s by movement participants, through<br />
to contemporary scholarship, civil rights historiography is characterized by a diversity of<br />
approaches to <strong>the</strong> subject as scholars have emphasized <strong>the</strong> importance of leaders of <strong>the</strong><br />
movement; civil rights legislation; grassroots campaigns; local movements; religious<br />
influences; <strong>and</strong> gendered perspectives. Scholars of <strong>the</strong> 1970s <strong>and</strong> 1980s focused on<br />
leaders <strong>and</strong> events that led to a national <strong>political</strong> impact. 17 These scholars focused on <strong>the</strong><br />
16 Mary Fair Burks, “Trailblazers: Women in <strong>the</strong> Montgomery Bus Boycott,” in Black Women in United<br />
States History (Brooklyn, NY: Carlson Publishing, 1990), 71.<br />
17 Carl M. Brauer, John F. Kennedy <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Second Reconstruction (New York, 1977); Robert Frederick<br />
Burk, The Eisenhower Administration <strong>and</strong> Civil Rights (Knoxville, Tenn., 1984); Thomas R. Peake,<br />
13
achievements of King, <strong>the</strong> politicians he worked with <strong>and</strong> legislation he influenced. In<br />
<strong>the</strong> late 1980s historian Carson Clayborne challenged st<strong>and</strong>ard interpretations of <strong>the</strong> civil<br />
rights movement by arguing that legislation <strong>and</strong> black liberalism sprang out of smaller<br />
grassroots-based black organizations that created “new <strong>social</strong> identities for participants<br />
<strong>and</strong> for all Afro-Americans.” 18 More recently, historians Tera Hunter <strong>and</strong> Barbara<br />
Ransby have fur<strong>the</strong>red civil rights historiography by examining <strong>the</strong> power of black<br />
women in shaping <strong>the</strong> civil rights movement. 19 Hunter’s To Joy My Freedom charts<br />
black women laborers in <strong>the</strong> South from <strong>the</strong> Civil War to World War I, arguing that <strong>the</strong>y<br />
shored up a degree of power through <strong>the</strong>ir labor. Ransby’s biography of Ella Baker<br />
charts Baker’s <strong>political</strong> involvement <strong>and</strong> influence on civil rights legislation, <strong>and</strong> grass-<br />
roots organizations from <strong>the</strong> 1920s through <strong>the</strong> 1970s. These studies contribute to a<br />
greater underst<strong>and</strong>ing of <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus boycott as <strong>the</strong>y illustrate <strong>the</strong> current trend<br />
in analyzing <strong>the</strong> role of typically understudied women <strong>and</strong> female-led groups in evoking<br />
change.<br />
Charles Payne’s article, “Men Led, but Women Organized,” argues that women<br />
overwhelmingly led <strong>the</strong> movement organizationally. Women invited activists into <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
homes, gave <strong>the</strong>m a place to eat <strong>and</strong> sleep. Women also canvassed neighborhoods <strong>and</strong><br />
businesses more than men, attended more mass meetings <strong>and</strong> demonstrations <strong>and</strong> more<br />
Keeping <strong>the</strong> Dream Alive: A History of <strong>the</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Christian Leadership Conference from King to <strong>the</strong><br />
1980s (New York, 1987).<br />
18 Carson Claybourne, “Civil Rights Reform <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Black Freedom Struggle,” in Charles W. Eagles, ed.,<br />
The Civil Rights Movement in America (Jackson, Miss., 1986), 23-27.<br />
19 Tera Hunter, To Joy My Freedom (Harvard University Press, 1997); Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Black Freedom Movement (University of North Carolina Press, 2005).<br />
14
frequently attempted to register to vote. 20 In his essay, Payne suggests a variety of<br />
reasons for such high numbers of female activist participation in <strong>the</strong> movement,<br />
especially in <strong>the</strong> 1960s. Additionally, Payne discounts <strong>the</strong>ories that women were less<br />
threatening as an explanation for <strong>the</strong>ir participation in such high numbers. He argues that<br />
black women often lost <strong>the</strong>ir jobs for participating, were regularly clubbed at<br />
demonstrations, shot at, raped <strong>and</strong> murdered. Based on his findings, Payne suggests that<br />
black women welcomed opportunities to be part of an organization that thrived on<br />
community bonds, kinship <strong>and</strong> communal networks. 21 Black women’s lives in <strong>the</strong> South<br />
encouraged <strong>the</strong>m to mediate conflicts, take care of o<strong>the</strong>r people’s children <strong>and</strong> coordinate<br />
everyday activities from slavery through modern time. Historian Barbara Ransby refers<br />
to this concept as “sisterly support.” 22 Because many black women did not have <strong>the</strong><br />
luxury to be stay-at-home mom’s <strong>and</strong> watch over <strong>the</strong>ir children everyday, many black<br />
women helped out <strong>the</strong>ir “sisters” while <strong>the</strong>y were working. This allowed black women a<br />
way to work both in <strong>and</strong> out of <strong>the</strong> home, <strong>and</strong> contribute to <strong>the</strong> organization <strong>and</strong><br />
coordination of o<strong>the</strong>r families <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir lives. It was <strong>the</strong> importance of community<br />
organization to <strong>the</strong> movement that encouraged women’s participation <strong>and</strong> often resulted<br />
in a higher number of female activists than male.<br />
In response to <strong>the</strong> absence of attention given to individual African American<br />
women <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir contributions to <strong>the</strong> movement, many activists chose to write <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
20 Charles Payne, “Men Led, But Women Organized: Movement Participation of Women in <strong>the</strong> Mississippi<br />
Delta” in Black Women in United States History (Brooklyn, NY: Carlson Publishing, 1990), 1.<br />
21 Payne, 8.<br />
22 Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel<br />
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 8.<br />
15
memoirs, recording <strong>the</strong>ir experiences <strong>and</strong> demonstrating <strong>the</strong>ir influence on <strong>the</strong><br />
movement. Daisy Bates, <strong>the</strong> NAACP worker who aided in <strong>the</strong> integration of <strong>the</strong> Little<br />
Rock Nine into Central High School told her story in The Long Shadow of Little Rock.<br />
Written during <strong>the</strong> movement in 1962, her work served as a model for o<strong>the</strong>r female<br />
activists who would write <strong>the</strong>ir memoirs in <strong>the</strong> 1990s. In a forward to Bates’s story<br />
written by Eleanor Roosevelt, <strong>the</strong> former first lady states, “This is a book which I hope<br />
will be read by every American.” 23 Bates’s book is a detailed personal account of what it<br />
was like to grow up black in <strong>the</strong> South; she argues that her story similar to most of her<br />
black counterparts. She first experienced racism when she was seven years old, sent on<br />
an err<strong>and</strong> to get meat from <strong>the</strong> butcher. When <strong>the</strong> butcher refused to help her until all of<br />
<strong>the</strong> white people were served she ran home crying. Bates experienced additional<br />
problems while trying to buy c<strong>and</strong>y, <strong>and</strong> after winning a game of marbles with a white<br />
boy. Because of such experiences, Daisy grew to hate white people until her fa<strong>the</strong>r, on<br />
his death-bed advised her to “hate discrimination,” not white people just because <strong>the</strong>y’re<br />
white. 24 After that moment Bates decided to run an all black newspaper <strong>and</strong> later worked<br />
for <strong>the</strong> NAACP to fight against discrimination.<br />
As with most female activists of <strong>the</strong> movement, Bates does not cast herself as <strong>the</strong><br />
heroine of an event, but places herself as an important observer to <strong>the</strong> events in Little<br />
Rock in 1957. She became aware of <strong>the</strong> problem of black schools while working as<br />
editor-in-chief of <strong>the</strong> State Press when she ran a story about a school for black children<br />
23 Daisy Bates, The Long Shadow of Little Rock: A Memoir (New York: David McKay Company, 1962),<br />
xii.<br />
24 Bates, 29.<br />
16
that was one room for twenty-seven students aged six through twelve, without outdoor<br />
toilets, with <strong>the</strong> children performing janitorial work. 25 After publicizing such a story <strong>and</strong><br />
confronting Governor Faubus about his anti-integrationist policies, Bates became<br />
involved in aiding <strong>the</strong> nine high school students who integrated Little Rock’s all-white<br />
high school. She details her role as <strong>the</strong> main communicator between <strong>the</strong> school,<br />
government, students <strong>and</strong> parents. However, in her memoir she tells this as a “story of<br />
<strong>the</strong> people,” with <strong>the</strong> “children of Little Rock” cast as <strong>the</strong> heroes. 26<br />
Many o<strong>the</strong>r female activists emulated Bates’ style of down-playing <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
individual role <strong>and</strong> emphasizing <strong>the</strong> role of <strong>the</strong> community. This is true of Jo Ann<br />
Robinson’s memoir The Montgomery Bus Boycott <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Women Who Started It, which<br />
was published with <strong>the</strong> help of prominent Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr. historian, David<br />
Garrow. Garrow met with Jo Ann Robinson in Los Angeles in April 1984 to interview<br />
her for an article he was writing on <strong>the</strong> boycott. As <strong>the</strong> interview progressed, Garrow<br />
discovered that Robinson had detailed her accounts of <strong>the</strong> boycott in a manuscript for<br />
posterity but had little intention of publishing it. Garrow commented that Robinson’s<br />
memoir, “though a first-person, autobiographical story, showed Mrs. Robinson to be a<br />
resolutely self-effacing person, someone who was exceedingly reluctant to give to<br />
herself, ra<strong>the</strong>r than to o<strong>the</strong>rs, credit for some accomplishment.” 27<br />
Robinson’s memoir gives a detailed account of <strong>the</strong> Women’s Political Council,<br />
which she presided over between 1950-1956, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir role in starting <strong>the</strong> bus boycott.<br />
25 Bates, 50.<br />
26 Bates, 219.<br />
27 Jo Ann Gibson Robinson The Montgomery Bus Boycott <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Women who Started it: The Memoir of<br />
Jo Ann Gibson Robinson. (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1987), xii.<br />
17
She personalizes her memoir with varied accounts of personal abuse <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> abuse o<strong>the</strong>rs<br />
suffered by o<strong>the</strong>rs on Montgomery buses during <strong>the</strong> era of Jim Crow. These are<br />
infrequently told stories of greatly personal accounts of bus drivers removing women<br />
physically from buses, police killing “disorderly” black male passengers, <strong>and</strong> unknowing<br />
black out-of-towners suffering from arrest for <strong>the</strong>ir lack of knowledge of Montgomery’s<br />
austere bus laws. The Montgomery Bus Boycott <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Women Who Started It recounts<br />
not only years of abuse on buses prior to Parks’ arrest, but exp<strong>and</strong>s fur<strong>the</strong>r on <strong>the</strong> role of<br />
<strong>the</strong> WPC prior to <strong>the</strong> boycott, <strong>the</strong> boycott itself, white reactions to <strong>the</strong> boycott, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
legal battle to end segregated seating on buses (<strong>the</strong> Browder case). Robinson emphasizes<br />
<strong>the</strong> difficulty of uniting a <strong>social</strong>ly <strong>and</strong> <strong>economic</strong>ally diverse black population <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
amazing result of <strong>the</strong> community coming toge<strong>the</strong>r for a common cause. For 381 days,<br />
African Americans refused to ride city buses, volunteered to drive carpools, donated<br />
money, organized meetings <strong>and</strong> helped families when <strong>the</strong> breadwinner lost <strong>the</strong>ir job due<br />
to <strong>the</strong>ir protest. Robinson’s memoir reminds historians that major events, such as Parks’<br />
arrest <strong>and</strong> subsequent large-scale boycott do not spontaneously occur. They are often <strong>the</strong><br />
result of long fought struggles <strong>and</strong> are preceded by years of resentment <strong>and</strong> oppression.<br />
Rosa Parks also detailed her personal account of <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus boycott in a<br />
memoir, Rosa Parks: My Story. Growing up, Parks encountered discrimination <strong>and</strong><br />
segregation like most black individuals living in <strong>the</strong> South in <strong>the</strong> early twentieth century.<br />
She recalls how her mo<strong>the</strong>r <strong>and</strong> gr<strong>and</strong>fa<strong>the</strong>r told her stories about slavery <strong>and</strong> that her<br />
great-gr<strong>and</strong>fa<strong>the</strong>r was a white plantation owner who mistreated Parks’ gr<strong>and</strong>fa<strong>the</strong>r daily.<br />
She realized that she was different from white children when she noticed that she went to<br />
18
a different school than her white peers. The white school children went to a schoolhouse<br />
with glass windows, <strong>and</strong> she went to a schoolhouse with wooden shutters, <strong>and</strong> no<br />
windows. Because of <strong>the</strong>se experiences, Parks argues that she grew up tired of being<br />
treated with little or no respect.<br />
In her memoir, Parks writes that when she refused to move from her seat on<br />
December 1, 1955, she “had no idea . . . that [her] small action would help put an end of<br />
<strong>the</strong> segregation laws in <strong>the</strong> South.” 28 Parks does not claim to be an innovator, <strong>the</strong> first<br />
black person, or black women to refuse to give up her seat. She emphasizes that it was<br />
fairly common for black men <strong>and</strong> women to refuse to give up <strong>the</strong>ir seats. Additionally,<br />
she often complained to <strong>the</strong> Montgomery chapter president of <strong>the</strong> NAACP, E. D. Nixon,<br />
that <strong>the</strong> organization needed to negotiate some changes to <strong>the</strong> bus system. Parks gives<br />
additional credit to Jo Ann Robinson for influencing <strong>the</strong> Women’s Political Council to<br />
challenge bus segregation laws, <strong>and</strong> Claudette Colvin for refusing to give up her seat in<br />
<strong>the</strong> spring of 1955. Parks’ account of her act of personal protest on <strong>the</strong> bus is one of<br />
humility. She admits that had she thought that if she would be <strong>the</strong> test case for <strong>the</strong><br />
NAACP <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir protest against Montgomery city buses, she “might have gotten off <strong>the</strong><br />
bus.” 29<br />
Taking a wider view than is often possible by <strong>the</strong> writers of memoirs, historian<br />
Danielle McGuire takes a different approach to explaining Rosa Parks <strong>and</strong> her actions<br />
that sparked <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus boycott. In At <strong>the</strong> Dark End of <strong>the</strong> Street: Black<br />
28 Rosa Parks, Rosa Parks: My Story (New York: Dial, 1992), 2.<br />
29 Parks, 116.<br />
19
Women, Rape, <strong>and</strong> Resistance: A New History of <strong>the</strong> Civil Rights Movement, McGuire<br />
argues that Parks’ experience as an investigator for <strong>the</strong> NAACP in <strong>the</strong> years prior to <strong>the</strong><br />
boycott influenced her activism in Montgomery in December 1955. McGuire labels<br />
Parks as a “militant race woman, a sharp detective, <strong>and</strong> an anti-rape activist long before<br />
she became <strong>the</strong> patron saint of <strong>the</strong> bus boycott.” 30 While working for <strong>the</strong> NAACP, Parks<br />
was also a member of <strong>the</strong>ir Committee for Equal Justice, a grassroots organization that,<br />
once merged with <strong>the</strong> Women’s Political Council, became <strong>the</strong> Montgomery Improvement<br />
Association, <strong>the</strong> organization that led <strong>the</strong> boycott. Rape, according to McGuire, was a<br />
tool <strong>the</strong> white patriarchy used to ensure <strong>the</strong>ir domination <strong>and</strong> justify <strong>the</strong> lynching of black<br />
men who challenged <strong>the</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn status quo. When Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr. called <strong>the</strong><br />
rape of African American women <strong>the</strong> “‘thingification’ of <strong>the</strong>ir humanity,” black women<br />
spoke out in protest of King’s aside to <strong>the</strong>ir plight, <strong>and</strong> advocated for <strong>the</strong>mselves <strong>and</strong><br />
o<strong>the</strong>r black women in courtrooms, launched public protests, <strong>and</strong> sparked larger national<br />
campaigns. 31 The Montgomery boycott was an additional way that black women could<br />
challenge <strong>the</strong>ir assailants in public, as most of <strong>the</strong> bus riders were black women <strong>and</strong> girls.<br />
As McGuire asserts, <strong>the</strong> Montgomery campaign was a “women’s movement for<br />
dignity.” 32<br />
Civil War on Race Street: The Civil Rights Movement in Cambridge, Maryl<strong>and</strong><br />
adds complexity to historical underst<strong>and</strong>ing of <strong>the</strong> movement scholarship by examining a<br />
case of community activism with a single woman at <strong>the</strong> center. In this work, Peter Levy<br />
30 Danielle McGuire, At <strong>the</strong> Dark End of <strong>the</strong> Street: Black Women, Rape, <strong>and</strong> Resistance: a New History of<br />
<strong>the</strong> Civil Rights Movement (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2010), xvii<br />
31 McGuire, xix.<br />
32 McGuire, xix.<br />
20
places Gloria Richardson at <strong>the</strong> center of <strong>the</strong> movement that took place in Cambridge,<br />
Maryl<strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong> 1960s. Richardson’s gr<strong>and</strong>fa<strong>the</strong>r served on <strong>the</strong> town council for fifty<br />
years. As a result Cambridge developed a reputation for having only a “moderate system<br />
of white supremacy.” 33 In <strong>the</strong> 1960s Gloria Richardson’s teenage daughter participated<br />
in sit-ins <strong>and</strong> marches throughout <strong>the</strong> city. As her daughter increased in activism, she did<br />
as well. However, Richardson led a very different movement than those led by CORE or<br />
SCLC in <strong>the</strong> 1960s. Under her leadership, her organization, <strong>the</strong> Cambridge Nonviolent<br />
Action Committee embraced a more militant, defiant, <strong>and</strong> armed resistance. She did not<br />
limit <strong>the</strong> movement’s goals to desegregation in restrooms <strong>and</strong> restaurants, but instead<br />
encouraged broader goals of empowerment, more public housing, school desegregation<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>political</strong> participation. As a mo<strong>the</strong>r, Richardson’s underst<strong>and</strong>ing of oppression was<br />
broader than most men in Cambridge. She felt <strong>the</strong> pain of her children’s segregated<br />
education <strong>and</strong> suffered personally from living in black ghettos.<br />
Barbara Ransby’s book Ella Baker <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Black Freedom Movement: A Radical<br />
Democratic Vision also focuses on a single woman’s role in promoting grassroots<br />
activism. Ransby details Baker’s participation in a variety of organizations, such as <strong>the</strong><br />
NAACP, In Friendship, SCLC <strong>and</strong> SNCC, her dedication to grassroots mobilization, <strong>and</strong><br />
examines how she shaped <strong>the</strong> civil rights movement over a broad period of time. As<br />
Baker’s views evolved to be democratically egalitarian <strong>and</strong> she insisted on<br />
confrontational tactics, so did <strong>the</strong> black freedom movement, <strong>and</strong> its organizations.<br />
33 Peter B. Levy, Civil War on Race Street: The Civil Rights Movement in Cambridge, Maryl<strong>and</strong><br />
(Gainesville, Fla., 2003), 1.<br />
21
Ransby argues that “Following Baker’s path back through <strong>the</strong> years, trying to look at<br />
national <strong>and</strong> world events from her vantage point, takes us to different sites of struggle,<br />
opens up different windows of conversation, <strong>and</strong> pushes us into different people’s lives<br />
than if we were to have someone else as our guide.” 34 It is through Ella Baker’s emphasis<br />
on grassroots participation, role as a teacher <strong>and</strong> personal confrontations with racial,<br />
<strong>economic</strong> <strong>and</strong> gender inequalities that readers get a different <strong>and</strong> complex perspective of<br />
<strong>the</strong> civil rights struggle from <strong>the</strong> 1920s-1970s.<br />
Ella Baker saw civil rights through <strong>the</strong> gendered, class, <strong>and</strong> racial perspective of<br />
her own experience. Working with <strong>the</strong> NAACP, <strong>and</strong> SCLC Baker was witness to a<br />
variety of forms of class <strong>and</strong> gender discrimination within civil rights organizations. To<br />
Baker, this was <strong>the</strong> flaw of <strong>the</strong> black freedom movement: a limited point of view that<br />
looked down upon <strong>the</strong> poor, uneducated, women, or <strong>political</strong> leftists. Despite her<br />
upbringing, which encouraged her to lead <strong>the</strong> proper middle class female lifestyle, Baker<br />
grew to believe that everyone should become active citizens. This grassroots focus led<br />
her to argue, “serious <strong>social</strong> change . . . lies instead in <strong>the</strong> commitment <strong>and</strong> hard work of<br />
<strong>the</strong> rank-<strong>and</strong>-file membership <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> willingness <strong>and</strong> ability of those members to engage<br />
in a vibrant <strong>and</strong> reciprocal process of discussion, debate <strong>and</strong> decision making.” 35<br />
Current civil rights historiography exp<strong>and</strong>s <strong>the</strong> study of <strong>the</strong> civil rights movement<br />
by examining dimensions of gender, class <strong>and</strong> labor. 36 Contributing to this<br />
34 Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel<br />
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 7.<br />
35 Ibid., 139.<br />
36 Francis G. Couvares, ed., “The Civil Rights Movement: New Directions” in Interpretations of American<br />
History (Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2009), 299.<br />
22
historiography are biographies such as Pauli Murray: The Autobiography of a Black<br />
Activist, Feminist, Lawyer, Priest, <strong>and</strong> Poet <strong>and</strong> Elaine Brown’s A Taste of Power: A<br />
Black Woman’s Story which continue to reveal <strong>the</strong> significance of individual women to<br />
<strong>the</strong> movement. 37 From <strong>the</strong> vantage of <strong>the</strong>se biographical studies of civil rights, <strong>the</strong><br />
movement assumes a new, challenging perspective that exposes <strong>the</strong> limited goals of <strong>the</strong><br />
predominately-male leadership.<br />
Historian Lynne Olson also uses this biographical method in her study, Freedom’s<br />
Daughters. This monograph represents a collection of biographical histories of women<br />
who fought in <strong>the</strong> modern civil rights movement. Olsen’s goal is to overturn notions that<br />
women did not widely participate, mold <strong>and</strong> lead <strong>the</strong> civil rights movement. In 1998<br />
former civil rights reporter claimed “There were no women, period. No women to cover<br />
[<strong>the</strong> movement] as journalists, <strong>and</strong> no visible women on <strong>the</strong> front lines. . . . It was very<br />
macho.” 38 In this collection, Olson argues that white women <strong>and</strong> black women were<br />
reliant on each o<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong>ir families <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> trailblazing women before <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
Additionally, she claims that without such women as Rosa Parks <strong>the</strong>re would be no<br />
Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King Jr. as <strong>the</strong> world knows him. Parks was a daughter of freedom herself,<br />
as women such as Virginia Durr <strong>and</strong> Septima Clark greatly influenced Parks in her fight<br />
for civil rights. Female activists, black <strong>and</strong> white from <strong>the</strong> early twentieth century<br />
onward, faced <strong>the</strong> difficulty of balancing <strong>the</strong>ir lives, mo<strong>the</strong>rhood, work <strong>and</strong> housework<br />
with defying presidents, <strong>the</strong> Ku Klux Klan <strong>and</strong> complex relationships with male leaders<br />
37 Ibid., 300.<br />
38 Lynn Olson Freedom’s Daughters: The Unsung Heroines of <strong>the</strong> Civil Rights Movement From 1830-1970<br />
(New York: Scribner, 2001), 15.<br />
23
of <strong>the</strong> movement. Because of <strong>the</strong>se complicated choices, often singularly associated with<br />
women, black women activists’ “needs <strong>and</strong> interests would be largely ignored by black<br />
male activists.” 39<br />
Reflecting on <strong>the</strong> March on Washington, August 28, 1963, most Americans can<br />
connect with Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr., <strong>and</strong> his famous “I Have a Dream” speech. Less<br />
well known but revealing of <strong>the</strong> limited perspective of male civil rights leaders is an<br />
incident that occurred at <strong>the</strong> start of <strong>the</strong> speeches, when veteran civil rights activist A.<br />
Phillip R<strong>and</strong>olph attempted to pay tribute to female activists from <strong>the</strong> past decade.<br />
R<strong>and</strong>olph, was not quite sure what to do, or say, <strong>and</strong> introduced Daisy Bates to <strong>the</strong> stage<br />
to deliver awards to <strong>the</strong> female activists. However, when Bates took <strong>the</strong> stage she looked<br />
confused, as she did not have any awards to h<strong>and</strong> out, as R<strong>and</strong>olph announced, but was<br />
<strong>the</strong>re with <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r female activists to show <strong>the</strong>ir solidarity for <strong>the</strong> movement. When<br />
Bates left <strong>the</strong> stage, R<strong>and</strong>olph attempted to acknowledge by name <strong>the</strong>se women activists<br />
who were sitting separately from <strong>the</strong> male movement leaders, at <strong>the</strong> front of <strong>the</strong> stage, but<br />
he was unable to recall most of <strong>the</strong>ir names. He acknowledged Diane Nash of <strong>the</strong><br />
Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, Mrs. Herbert Lee, <strong>the</strong> wife of man who<br />
was recently killed while trying to register to vote, Mrs. Medgar Evers, but stumbled,<br />
saying, “uh, who else uh.” Rosa Parks <strong>and</strong> Gloria Richardson had to introduce<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves. 40<br />
39 Olsen, 16.<br />
40 David E. Dixon <strong>and</strong> Davis Houck ed., Women <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Civil Rights Movement, 1954-1965 (Jackson,<br />
Mississippi: University of Mississippi Press, 2009), x.<br />
24
That a tribute to female civil rights leaders, organizers, <strong>and</strong> workers turned into a<br />
demonstration of <strong>the</strong> sexism in <strong>the</strong> movement can help scholars underst<strong>and</strong> why <strong>the</strong>re is a<br />
gendered gap in civil rights scholarship. During <strong>the</strong> movement many women were<br />
trailblazers, <strong>the</strong>y created, innovated <strong>and</strong> started movements. Rosa Parks refused to give<br />
up her seat. Jo Ann Robinson first initiated <strong>the</strong> idea of city-wide bus boycott. Gloria<br />
Richardson started a more militant movement in Cambridge, Maryl<strong>and</strong>, Ella Baker<br />
started her own innovated ways to mobilize grassroots leadership, <strong>and</strong> Daisy Bates<br />
started her own newspaper. However, most of <strong>the</strong>se women accepting <strong>the</strong> expectation<br />
that men would assume <strong>the</strong> torchbearer role. As Charles Payne argues, women<br />
welcomed <strong>the</strong> chance to be a part of a community, <strong>the</strong>y treated fellow activists like<br />
family <strong>and</strong> were instrumental in planning <strong>the</strong> movement. However, as Parks, Robinson<br />
<strong>and</strong> Bates narrate in <strong>the</strong>ir memoirs, many female organizers did not claim heroism, but<br />
shared in <strong>the</strong> collective accomplishments. Because of personal humility many female<br />
activists did not document <strong>the</strong>ir story or promote public recognition of <strong>the</strong>ir influence on<br />
<strong>the</strong> movement. As recovered audio <strong>and</strong> video footage from <strong>the</strong> movement is digitized,<br />
speeches are recovered, <strong>and</strong> memoirs are published, however, <strong>the</strong> history of women’s in<br />
<strong>the</strong> civil rights movement becomes increasingly detailed <strong>and</strong> known. It is clear that<br />
women did not just take orders from men <strong>the</strong>y led <strong>the</strong> movement.<br />
25
CHAPTER THREE<br />
PREPARING FOR THE REVOLUTION: WPC’S CAMPAIGN AGAINST BUS<br />
SEGREGATION IN MONTGOMERY<br />
Introduction<br />
In <strong>the</strong> decade prior to Rosa Parks’ arrest in 1955 a group of women, mostly<br />
educators from Alabama State College, worked tirelessly through <strong>the</strong> Women’s Political<br />
Council (WPC) to end segregated seating on Montgomery’s city buses. The WPC<br />
organized meetings, publicized <strong>the</strong> ill effects of bus segregation, <strong>and</strong> was <strong>the</strong> first of any<br />
group in Montgomery to challenge Jim Crow buses directly through protests to <strong>the</strong><br />
Mayor <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> bus company. Although told countless times in classrooms across <strong>the</strong><br />
country, <strong>the</strong> story of Parks’ arrest <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus boycott is incomplete without<br />
paying attention to <strong>the</strong> efforts of <strong>the</strong> Women’s Political Council to lay <strong>the</strong> foundations for<br />
united <strong>and</strong> sustained protest by <strong>the</strong> black community.<br />
Jo Ann Robinson <strong>and</strong> Mary Fair Burks, <strong>the</strong> original founders of <strong>the</strong> WPC, were<br />
college professors who were accustomed to enjoying a degree of respect that black<br />
women of o<strong>the</strong>r occupations did not experience. As black professional women working<br />
at an all-black university, <strong>the</strong>y did not often engage with whites in <strong>the</strong>ir daily lives as<br />
many o<strong>the</strong>r black women did on public transportation, or in service occupations. On a<br />
Montgomery city bus, however, black women of all classes were subjected to being<br />
called derogatory names as <strong>the</strong>y entered <strong>the</strong> bus from <strong>the</strong> front, paid, exited, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n re-<br />
entered through <strong>the</strong> back door. When Burks <strong>and</strong> Robinson experienced such harassment,<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir bubble of privilege vanished <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y saw <strong>the</strong> plight of <strong>the</strong> women who rode <strong>the</strong><br />
26
uses everyday – primarily those who worked as maids <strong>and</strong> nannies for white<br />
Montgomery families. They shared <strong>the</strong>ir recognition of <strong>the</strong> hardships endured by women<br />
on public transportation with <strong>the</strong>ir colleagues <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> WPC grew. The WPC also<br />
recognized that it would be necessary to unite an African American community that was<br />
divided by socio-<strong>economic</strong> gaps to end racial bus segregation—one of <strong>the</strong> most public<br />
<strong>and</strong> humiliating aspects of <strong>the</strong> Jim Crow South. Between 1947 <strong>and</strong> 1955 Mary Fair<br />
Burks <strong>and</strong> Jo Ann Robinson, <strong>the</strong> two presidents of <strong>the</strong> WPC, filed complaints with <strong>the</strong><br />
three member City Commission, or “City Fa<strong>the</strong>rs” as Mrs. Robinson called <strong>the</strong>m, to no<br />
avail. 1 The tireless efforts of Robinson <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> WPC before <strong>and</strong> during <strong>the</strong> boycott, <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> influence of <strong>the</strong> WPC in <strong>the</strong> Browder v. Gale case that eventually ended <strong>the</strong><br />
segregated bus system in Montgomery <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> United States proves that ultimately,<br />
women trailblazers were <strong>the</strong> spark that ignited <strong>the</strong> Montgomery Bus Boycott of 1955-<br />
1956.<br />
The story of Parks’ arrest <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Montgomery busy boycott, although told so<br />
many times in classrooms all over <strong>the</strong> country for decades, is incomplete. Rosa Parks’<br />
refusal to give up her seat <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> subsequent yearlong boycott was only successful<br />
because <strong>the</strong> Women’s Political Council had laid <strong>the</strong> foundation that created a united<br />
black community. Blacks made up three-quarters of <strong>the</strong> ridership on Montgomery buses.<br />
They often did not feel that ridership was an option, like choosing to patronize a<br />
segregated restaurant or <strong>the</strong>ater, as <strong>the</strong>ir jobs <strong>and</strong> livelihood depended on public<br />
1 Jo Ann Gibson Robinson The Montgomery Bus Boycott <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Women who Started it: The Memoir of Jo<br />
Ann Gibson Robinson. (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1987), 20.<br />
27
transportation. 2 Bus ridership additionally affected women to a greater degree than men<br />
as <strong>the</strong> use of <strong>the</strong> family car usually belonged to <strong>the</strong> male head of household, <strong>and</strong> not <strong>the</strong><br />
woman. Throughout <strong>the</strong> 1940s <strong>and</strong> early 1950s African Americans experienced physical<br />
brutality, verbal humiliation <strong>and</strong> arrest for not giving up <strong>the</strong>ir seats to white riders, not<br />
having exact change, or for simply attempting to ride <strong>the</strong> bus. 3 The women of <strong>the</strong> WPC<br />
fought to bring <strong>the</strong>se brutalities to light, challenge <strong>the</strong> legality of bus drivers’ actions, <strong>and</strong><br />
teach <strong>the</strong> African American community how to protest such injustice. Although it indeed<br />
all started on a bus, <strong>the</strong> neglected history of <strong>the</strong> WPC proves that <strong>the</strong> Montgomery Bus<br />
Boycott started long before Mrs. Parks’ arrest.<br />
Writing <strong>the</strong> history of <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus boycott began almost immediately<br />
after <strong>the</strong> boycott ended. However, it was not until <strong>the</strong> 1980s that famed Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r<br />
King, Jr. historian David Garrow addressed women’s actions <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> arrests prior to Rosa<br />
Parks. Garrow’s Walking City, a collection of interviews, journal articles, personal<br />
reflections includes Garrow’s own ground-breaking essay, “The Origins of <strong>the</strong><br />
Montgomery Bus Boycott,” remains <strong>the</strong> most respected source on bus segregation in<br />
Montgomery prior to <strong>the</strong> boycott. 4 In <strong>the</strong> years immediately following <strong>the</strong> boycott, many<br />
histories focused on <strong>the</strong> role of <strong>the</strong> church <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Christian Leadership<br />
Conference in <strong>the</strong> boycott. Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr.’s Stride Toward Freedom <strong>and</strong><br />
Reverend Ralph Abernathy’s M.A. <strong>the</strong>sis “The Natural History of a Social Movement:<br />
2<br />
Russell Freedman Freedom Walkers: The Story of <strong>the</strong> Montgomery Bus Boycott. (New York: Holiday<br />
House, 2006), 83<br />
3<br />
Robinson, 23.<br />
4<br />
The Walking City: The Montgomery Bus Boycott, 1955-1956, ed. David Garrow (Brooklyn, New York:<br />
Carlson Publishing, 1989).<br />
28
The Montgomery Improvement Association” discuss <strong>the</strong> importance of church<br />
organization, <strong>the</strong> philosophy of non-violence, Parks’s <strong>and</strong> King’s leadership, but only<br />
briefly mention Montgomery in <strong>the</strong> years prior to <strong>the</strong> boycott. 5 Although scholars have<br />
shied away from writing larger-scale studies of <strong>the</strong> Women’s Political Council, <strong>the</strong><br />
memoirs of Jo Ann Robinson, Rosa Parks <strong>and</strong> Claudette Colvin document <strong>the</strong> history of<br />
<strong>the</strong> bus boycott through <strong>the</strong>ir honest <strong>and</strong> personal reflections on <strong>the</strong> years prior to 1955. 6<br />
Missing from civil rights <strong>and</strong> bus boycott historiography is an in-depth study of how<br />
women worked at a grass-roots level to unite <strong>the</strong> black community in <strong>the</strong> 1940s <strong>and</strong> early<br />
1950s. Although this was not <strong>the</strong> WPCs’ original goal, it is <strong>the</strong> central force behind<br />
creating a citywide boycott <strong>and</strong> for underst<strong>and</strong>ing why <strong>the</strong> boycott was successful.<br />
Without this study, <strong>the</strong> history of <strong>the</strong> boycott is incomplete.<br />
Women’s Political Council<br />
Mary Fair Burks, <strong>the</strong> founder of <strong>the</strong> Women’s Political Council lived in<br />
Montgomery most of her life. Even as a child Burks understood <strong>the</strong> immorality of<br />
segregation <strong>and</strong> racial degradation. As a result, she launched her own “private ‘guerilla<br />
warfare,’ invading restrooms with signs that read ‘For White Ladies Only’ <strong>and</strong> strolling<br />
5 Ralph D. Abernathy “The Natural History of A Social Movement: The Montgomery Improvement<br />
Association.” In The Walking City: The Montgomery Bus Boycott, 1955-1956, ed. David Garrow, 99-172.<br />
(Brooklyn, New York: Carlson Publishing, 1989). King, Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>and</strong> Clayborne Carson. Stride<br />
toward freedom: <strong>the</strong> Montgomery story. (Boston: Beacon Press, 2010)<br />
6 Claudette Colvin, Twice Towards Justice (New York : Melanie Kroupa Books/Farrar Straus Giroux,<br />
2009), Jo Ann Gibson Robinson The Montgomery Bus Boycott <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Women who Started it: The Memoir<br />
of Jo Ann Gibson Robinson. (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1987), Rosa Parks Rosa Parks: my<br />
story. (New York: Dial Books, 1992).<br />
29
through whites-only parks.” 7 These acts of personal rebellion satiated Burks in her<br />
youth, however, as an adult she grew increasingly aware of <strong>the</strong> institutions of racial<br />
prejudice in Montgomery. In 1946, she <strong>and</strong> a white woman disputed over a right-of-way<br />
accident. When <strong>the</strong> police arrived to settle <strong>the</strong> difference of opinion Burks was arrested<br />
<strong>and</strong> jailed under “vague charges.” 8 Although <strong>the</strong> charges were dropped, for Burks it<br />
became clear that Montgomery needed drastic change, more than could be accomplished<br />
through a stroll through a forbidden park. Burks formed <strong>the</strong> Women’s Political Council in<br />
1947 because she felt it was her duty to create an organization to confront racial <strong>and</strong><br />
gender injustice in public, not just through private rebellions. Burks believed that black<br />
women in Montgomery were not adequately represented by <strong>the</strong> existing <strong>political</strong><br />
organizations such as <strong>the</strong> NAACP or <strong>the</strong> Black Business Men of Montgomery. Burks felt<br />
it her duty to create an organization to confront racial <strong>and</strong> gender injustice in public, not<br />
just through private rebellions. Because black women’s only source of <strong>political</strong> action in<br />
Montgomery was <strong>the</strong> local chapter of <strong>the</strong> NAACP, Burks formed <strong>the</strong> Women’s Political<br />
Council. Women did not often hold positions of authority in <strong>the</strong> NAACP; additionally<br />
<strong>the</strong> NAACP was not focused on issues that related directly to <strong>the</strong> lives of black women<br />
such as domestic working conditions, education, <strong>and</strong> housing.<br />
The WPC was comprised mostly of black middle class women who were working<br />
professionals. The o<strong>the</strong>r members were mostly from Alabama State College, local public<br />
school teachers, <strong>and</strong> also nurses <strong>and</strong> <strong>social</strong> workers. One of <strong>the</strong> original members,<br />
7 Lynn Olson Freedom’s Daughters: The Unsung Heroines of <strong>the</strong> Civil Rights Movement From 1830-1970<br />
(New York: Scribner, 2001), 90.<br />
8 Olson, 90.<br />
30
Johnnie Carr immediately saw a need for such an organization because Montgomery’s<br />
chapter of <strong>the</strong> Women’s League of Voters excluded black women. 9 Black voters<br />
represented less than ten percent of <strong>the</strong> Montgomery voter population in <strong>the</strong> election of<br />
1948 <strong>and</strong> African-American women voters represented only a small fraction of that ten<br />
percent, 10 Mary Fair Burks reflected on her limited <strong>political</strong> power in Montgomery <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> dismal amount of female African American voters in <strong>the</strong> 1940s to create <strong>the</strong> original<br />
goal of <strong>the</strong> WPC—increase black female voter registration. With increased numbers of<br />
black female voters, Burks saw an increase in black female <strong>political</strong> power. This was<br />
especially important as black women although <strong>the</strong>y were over 56% of <strong>the</strong> black<br />
population in 1950, <strong>and</strong> nearly 23% of <strong>the</strong> total Montgomery population. 11 The original<br />
goal of <strong>the</strong> WPC was to increase black female voter registration to build black female<br />
<strong>political</strong> power. By 1950 <strong>the</strong> WPC had grown into one of <strong>the</strong> most prominent civil rights<br />
organizations in Montgomery with 300 members who were registered to vote <strong>and</strong> active<br />
in <strong>the</strong> <strong>political</strong> community. 12 As voter registration grew, <strong>the</strong> WPC exp<strong>and</strong>ed <strong>the</strong>ir goals<br />
into voter education, <strong>political</strong> action <strong>and</strong> specifically <strong>the</strong> protest of segregated services.<br />
Burks’ successor as <strong>the</strong> president of <strong>the</strong> WPC after 1950, Jo Ann Robinson, did<br />
not grow up as an activist. In <strong>the</strong> early 1920s, young Jo Ann Gibson learned from an<br />
early age how influential she could be when faced with life’s challenges. Jo Ann Gibson<br />
grew up in Culloden, Georgia, about twenty-five miles from Macon. She was <strong>the</strong><br />
9<br />
Johnnie Carr, interview by Steven Millner July 17, 1977 in The Walking City: The Montgomery Bus<br />
Boycott, 1955-1956, ed. David Garrow (Brooklyn, New York: Carlson Publishing, 1989), 528.<br />
10<br />
The American National Election Studies Table 6A.2.2<br />
11<br />
1950 U.S. census data.<br />
12<br />
Erna Allen Interview by Steven Millner August 6, 1977 in The Walking City: The Montgomery Bus<br />
Boycott, 1955-1956, ed. David Garrow (Brooklyn, New York: Carlson Publishing, 1989), 521.<br />
31
youngest of twelve children all living with <strong>the</strong>ir l<strong>and</strong>-owning farmer parents. The<br />
Gibsons were quite successful as farmers until Jo Ann’s fa<strong>the</strong>r, Owen, died. The older<br />
children moved away <strong>and</strong> her mo<strong>the</strong>r, Dollie, realized she could no longer support <strong>the</strong><br />
remaining younger children by working <strong>the</strong> farm. She sold <strong>the</strong> property <strong>and</strong> moved in<br />
with her children, bringing Jo Ann with her. 13 From this experience Jo Ann learned how<br />
important education was, <strong>and</strong> was determined never to be in <strong>the</strong> same situation as her<br />
mo<strong>the</strong>r. In her new home, Jo Ann graduated from high school as <strong>the</strong> valedictorian <strong>and</strong><br />
later earned her undergraduate degree at Fort Valley State College <strong>and</strong> continued on to<br />
earn her Master’s of Arts in English at Atlanta University. This was quite an<br />
achievement. In 1950 only 3.1% of <strong>the</strong> African American population completed four or<br />
more years of college, <strong>and</strong> only 1.2% of total African American college graduates were<br />
black women. 14 Robinson was aware of how extraordinary her achievements were <strong>and</strong><br />
she sought to encourage young black men <strong>and</strong> women to earn an education.<br />
To complete her education, Robinson traveled to Los Angeles <strong>and</strong> New York City<br />
to earn graduate degrees. In <strong>the</strong>se places, although racism existed, Robinson experienced<br />
a freedom she had not previously known. After completing her degrees, Robinson<br />
returned to Georgia <strong>and</strong> started her career in education at a public school in Macon where<br />
she met <strong>and</strong> married Wilbur Robinson in 1942. However, after <strong>the</strong> loss of her infant<br />
child, Robinson left Macon <strong>and</strong> her husb<strong>and</strong> to teach English at Mary Allen College in<br />
13 David Garrow, “The Origins of <strong>the</strong> Montgomery Bus Boycott,” In The Walking City: The Montgomery<br />
Bus Boycott, 1955-1956, ed. David Garrow, 607-620. (Brooklyn, New York: Carlson Publishing, 1989)<br />
607.<br />
14 U.S. Bureau of <strong>the</strong> Census, U.S. Census of Population, U.S. Summary, PC80-1-C1 <strong>and</strong> Current<br />
Population Reports P20-455, P20-459, P20-462, P20-465RV, P20-475.<br />
32
Crockett, Texas. 15 After one year in Texas, Robinson found her home in <strong>the</strong> English<br />
department of <strong>the</strong> all-black Alabama State College in Montgomery.<br />
Living in Montgomery <strong>and</strong> teaching at Alabama State College ultimately turned<br />
Robinson’s life upside down, <strong>and</strong> started a personal fervor to end segregated buses in<br />
Montgomery. In December 1949, Jo Ann Robinson boarded her first <strong>and</strong> last<br />
Montgomery city bus <strong>and</strong> confronted <strong>the</strong> most segregated bus system in America. She<br />
had been an English faculty member at Alabama State College since <strong>the</strong> start of <strong>the</strong><br />
semester <strong>and</strong> was looking forward to traveling to Clevel<strong>and</strong> for <strong>the</strong> holidays to visit<br />
friends. Unaware of Montgomery’s strict segregated bus laws, <strong>and</strong> accustomed to <strong>the</strong><br />
transportations systems in <strong>the</strong> North <strong>and</strong> West, Robinson chose a seat in <strong>the</strong> third row<br />
from <strong>the</strong> front. The driver abruptly stopped <strong>the</strong> bus to correct Robinson’s assumed<br />
brazen behavior. “Get up from <strong>the</strong>re!” <strong>the</strong> driver shouted repeatedly as he stood over<br />
Robinson “his h<strong>and</strong> drawn back as if he were to strike [her].” 16 Robinson immediately<br />
vacated <strong>the</strong> bus, unwittingly exiting by <strong>the</strong> front door, an exit reserved solely for whites.<br />
Distraught by her experience, Robinson decided to join <strong>the</strong> fight for civil rights through<br />
<strong>the</strong> Women’s Political Council, formed by her colleague Mary Fair Burks two years<br />
earlier. Robinson’s participation in <strong>the</strong> WPC influenced <strong>the</strong> organization to put its weight<br />
behind ending bus segregation in Montgomery. From that moment Robinson saw that it<br />
was her job to bring immediate attention to Montgomery’s segregated seating: “It was<br />
<strong>the</strong>n,” she recalled, “that I made up . . . my mind that whatever I could add to that<br />
15 Garrow, 607.<br />
16 Robinson, 16.<br />
33
organization that would help to bring that practice down, I would do it. When I came<br />
back [from vacation], <strong>the</strong> first thing I did was to call a meeting . . . <strong>and</strong> to tell <strong>the</strong>m what<br />
had happened.” 17<br />
Fighting Montgomery’s Segregated Bus System<br />
Before <strong>the</strong> bus boycott, Montgomery city bus drivers often got away with abusive<br />
treatment of black passengers, which if contested typically ended in <strong>the</strong> rider receiving a<br />
punishment. Although this treatment of passengers was not officially legal, Montgomery<br />
was known to have one of <strong>the</strong> most rigid bus segregation laws in <strong>the</strong> country. In most<br />
sou<strong>the</strong>rn cities such as Richmond, Virginia, Atlanta, Georgia <strong>and</strong> Nashville, Tennessee,<br />
passengers were expected to fill city buses on a first-come, first-serve basis with blacks<br />
filling buses from <strong>the</strong> rear toward <strong>the</strong> front <strong>and</strong> white passengers required to follow <strong>the</strong><br />
inverse pattern. 18 Additionally, in none of <strong>the</strong>se cities were blacks expected to follow <strong>the</strong><br />
demeaning practice of paying through a front door, exiting to re-enter through <strong>the</strong> rear<br />
door <strong>and</strong> relinquish <strong>the</strong>ir seats to late-arriving white passengers. 19 When Robinson<br />
entered <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus incorrectly in 1949 she was truly ignorant of <strong>the</strong> specific<br />
city bus codes—codes that applied only to Montgomery’s city buses <strong>and</strong> differed greatly<br />
from bus codes across <strong>the</strong> South. The severity of <strong>the</strong>se bus codes contributed to <strong>the</strong> bus<br />
boycott specifically occurring in Montgomery<br />
17 Robinson, 17.<br />
18 Steven Millner “Montgomery Bus Boycott: A Case Study in <strong>the</strong> Emergence <strong>and</strong> Career of a Social<br />
Movement” in The Walking City: The Montgomery Bus Boycott, 1955-1956, ed. David Garrow: 381-518<br />
(Brooklyn, New York: Carlson Publishing, 1989), 434.<br />
19 Numan V. Bartley, The Rise of Massive Resistance: Race <strong>and</strong> Politics in <strong>the</strong> South During <strong>the</strong> 1950s<br />
(Baton Rouge, Louisiana: Louisiana State University Press 1969date?), 67-81.70.<br />
34
In <strong>the</strong> first part of <strong>the</strong> twentieth century, bus codes were adopted with <strong>the</strong><br />
introduction of public trolley cars to connect suburban housing to <strong>the</strong> city center.<br />
However, blacks in Montgomery did not strongly feel <strong>the</strong> effects of <strong>the</strong>se segregation<br />
laws as many did not have to use <strong>the</strong> bus to get to work since <strong>the</strong>y worked on farms or<br />
near <strong>the</strong>ir homes <strong>and</strong> used <strong>the</strong> bus system on a weekly basis to make a <strong>social</strong> visit into<br />
town. However, as Montgomery’s black population increased in <strong>the</strong> city proper, more<br />
people gradually began to work in <strong>the</strong> predominantly white populated areas, mainly as<br />
domestics, <strong>and</strong> were forced to ride <strong>the</strong> bus on a daily basis. By 1955 <strong>the</strong> city buses<br />
served seventeen to eighteen thous<strong>and</strong> daily black riders, most of whom were women as<br />
black females outnumbered black males by twelve percent. 20 The WPC’s campaign to<br />
challenge bus segregation laws connected with black working women who relied on city<br />
transportation. Black women in Montgomery often reflected on unfair treatment while in<br />
department stores where clerks refused to address <strong>the</strong>m with respect as Mrs. or Ms, or<br />
had to suffer such indignities as placing protective caps over <strong>the</strong>ir heads prior to trying on<br />
hats. 21 Indignities <strong>the</strong> white population did not experience. Despite such degradation,<br />
black women had a choice to patron such stores, or to shop at places friendly to black<br />
customers. The bus system, however, was a public service black women had to use twice<br />
daily to get to work <strong>and</strong> or home.<br />
By 1950 <strong>the</strong> WPC had grown into three chapters of over one hundred members<br />
each spread all over <strong>the</strong> city. As head of <strong>the</strong> English department at Alabama College<br />
20 Millner, 435.<br />
21 Johnnie Carr, interview by Steven Millner July 17, 1977 in The Walking City: The Montgomery Bus<br />
Boycott, 1955-1956, ed. David Garrow (Brooklyn, New York: Carlson Publishing, 1989), 527.<br />
35
Burks knew that she could not give both her full attention so she asked Robinson to take<br />
over as head of <strong>the</strong> WPC. However, Burks continued to serve <strong>the</strong> WPC as a<br />
representative <strong>and</strong> special advisor to Robinson during meetings with <strong>the</strong> mayor. 22 Still<br />
frustrated with her experience on <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus from that cold December day,<br />
under Robinson’s leadership fighting <strong>the</strong> segregated bus system became intensified.<br />
The WPC’s first step was to change <strong>the</strong> black population’s opinions about<br />
segregated bus seating. In Robinson’s opinion, “people accepted <strong>the</strong> discrimination.<br />
They stood on <strong>the</strong> bus, over empty seats. They paid money <strong>and</strong> got off <strong>and</strong> [got back] on<br />
from <strong>the</strong> back [entrance].” 23 They were following <strong>the</strong> law without a second thought.<br />
Many black individuals accepted <strong>the</strong> bus codes because <strong>the</strong>y needed public transportation<br />
to earn a living. Complaining about, or challenging <strong>the</strong> law could result in losing one’s<br />
job. This legalized system of injustice needed to change; however, it was unclear how to<br />
change a system that <strong>the</strong> black community relied on so deeply to earn a living. In <strong>the</strong><br />
year since her traumatic experience, Robinson learned of three Montgomery women who<br />
were arrested for refusing to give up <strong>the</strong>ir seats to white riders, in addition to three<br />
children who were arrested without conviction for <strong>the</strong>ir ignorance of Montgomery’s bus<br />
segregation laws. These arrests as well as reports to <strong>the</strong> WPC of women’s mistreatment<br />
on buses, such as drivers spitting on women, calling <strong>the</strong>m derogatory names such as<br />
“nigger bitch,” <strong>and</strong> physical abuse on both male <strong>and</strong> female black drivers, drove <strong>the</strong> WPC<br />
22 Robinson, 25.<br />
23 Jo Ann Robinson Interview by Steven Millner August 10, 1977 in The Walking City: The Montgomery<br />
Bus Boycott, 1955-1956, ed. David Garrow (Brooklyn, New York: Carlson Publishing, 1989), 570.<br />
36
to direct action. 24 However, <strong>the</strong> local NAACP was not concerned with overturning that<br />
aspect of Plessey v. Ferguson since public transportation was mainly utilized by <strong>the</strong><br />
working-class black population, <strong>and</strong> so was not perceived to affect <strong>the</strong> interests of <strong>the</strong><br />
whole black population. As a result, Robinson found it difficult to unite <strong>the</strong> black<br />
leadership to fight segregated city buses.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> early years of Jo Ann Robinson’s tenure as president of <strong>the</strong> WPC, she <strong>and</strong><br />
chief WPC members, Johnnie Carr <strong>and</strong> Irene West, sought <strong>the</strong> advice of prominent<br />
African American organizations in Montgomery that were led by men. The Montgomery<br />
chapter of <strong>the</strong> Alabama Progressive Democratic Association (APDA) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Citizens<br />
Steering Committee, a small, yet <strong>economic</strong>ally diverse organization of black<br />
businessmen, were <strong>the</strong> first groups <strong>the</strong> WPC approached for advice, money,<br />
organizational matters, or for direct access to Montgomery’s <strong>political</strong> commission. Erna<br />
Allen, <strong>the</strong> secretary for <strong>the</strong> WPC reflected on <strong>the</strong> WPC’s interaction with <strong>the</strong>se<br />
organizations. According to Allen,<br />
Women listened to men, <strong>the</strong>y passed <strong>the</strong> ideas to men to a great extent. Mary Fair<br />
Burks <strong>and</strong> Jo Ann Robinson were very vocal <strong>and</strong> articulate, especially in<br />
committee meetings. But, when it came to <strong>the</strong> big meetings, <strong>the</strong>y let <strong>the</strong> men<br />
have <strong>the</strong> ideas <strong>and</strong> carry <strong>the</strong> ball. They were kind of like <strong>the</strong> power behind <strong>the</strong><br />
thrown. We really were <strong>the</strong> ones who carried out <strong>the</strong> actions. 25<br />
The WPC discovered that <strong>the</strong>se male-run <strong>political</strong> councils did not have <strong>the</strong> same goals<br />
<strong>and</strong> interests <strong>the</strong>y did. Edgar Daniel (E. D.) Nixon, a prominent civil rights activist <strong>and</strong><br />
member of <strong>the</strong> NAACP, APDA, Montgomery Welfare League, <strong>and</strong> Montgomery Voters<br />
24 Robinson, 27.<br />
25 Erna Allen Interview by Steven Millner August 6, 1977 in The Walking City: The Montgomery Bus<br />
Boycott, 1955-1956, ed. David Garrow (Brooklyn, New York: Carlson Publishing, 1989), 522.<br />
37
League worked with <strong>the</strong> WPC in <strong>the</strong> years prior to <strong>the</strong> boycott <strong>and</strong> spoke on behalf of<br />
many of <strong>the</strong> black male-dominated <strong>political</strong> organizations. In 1950 <strong>and</strong> 1951 <strong>the</strong> WPC<br />
proposed to Nixon a plan to foster a united black community through coordinated action<br />
by a number of organizations: <strong>the</strong> WPC would campaign to gain <strong>the</strong> support of black<br />
females, <strong>the</strong> NAACP would encourage <strong>the</strong> support of <strong>the</strong> black male upper class, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
APDA would ga<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> black businessmen. Motivated by a personal passion for ending<br />
bus segregation, Robinson failed to recognize <strong>the</strong> importance of unifying <strong>the</strong> black<br />
community <strong>and</strong> suggested launching an immediate boycott of city buses to bring<br />
humiliating bus regulation to end. Although Nixon was aware of <strong>the</strong> importance of<br />
ending segregated bus seating, he was not willing to risk losing what little <strong>political</strong><br />
capital <strong>the</strong> black community had on challenging bus segregation. Nixon pointed out that<br />
rushing into a full-scale boycott too soon could alienate both <strong>the</strong> white <strong>and</strong> upper class<br />
black population resulting in nothing changed, except possibly <strong>the</strong> election of anti-civil<br />
rights politicians. Nixon presented Montgomery’s City Commission with a list of<br />
requests for improved bus passenger treatment, but did not continue to press <strong>the</strong> issue<br />
with city politicians for fear an aggressive approach on <strong>the</strong> issue would alienate <strong>the</strong> city<br />
from electing white democratic politicians who were often sympa<strong>the</strong>tic to African<br />
Americans’ more “substantive grievances.” 26 After <strong>the</strong> boycott Nixon reflected on his<br />
initial reluctance. “I wrote <strong>the</strong> early dem<strong>and</strong>s ‘cause I wanted to be sure we got<br />
26 Millner, 438.<br />
38
something started. . . . I wanted to have something our people would accept so we could<br />
build an organization around.” 27<br />
The goals <strong>and</strong> tactics of <strong>the</strong> WPC <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> NAACP were clearly not in harmony.<br />
The “Men of Montgomery” as Robinson called <strong>the</strong> black male-led organizations, did not<br />
like to use <strong>the</strong> word “integration” because “it would have been too much; <strong>the</strong>re would<br />
have been much bloodshed <strong>and</strong> arrests of those who dared to disclose such an idea!” 28<br />
Because most of <strong>the</strong> women of <strong>the</strong> WPC had defied <strong>the</strong> odds by earning professional jobs<br />
<strong>and</strong> graduate degrees, <strong>the</strong>y already had a brazen attitude, an outlook that <strong>the</strong>y applied to<br />
integration. In contrast, <strong>the</strong> NAACP had been in existence for several decades, had<br />
worked on anti-lynching campaigns <strong>and</strong> defended 14 th amendment rights for blacks on<br />
college campuses <strong>and</strong> in government jobs during WWII. The NAACP was aware of <strong>the</strong><br />
importance of public relations <strong>and</strong> public perception. Despite <strong>the</strong>ir organization’s<br />
differences, after three years of negotiations, <strong>the</strong> WPC <strong>and</strong> NAACP fostered a unique <strong>and</strong><br />
effective partnership that balanced working within <strong>the</strong> law with inciting <strong>the</strong> public’s<br />
passion for change through direct action.<br />
In 1954, however, WPC had yet to find common ground with NAACP <strong>and</strong><br />
Robinson was tired of waiting. The NAACP strategy of increasing black voters to end<br />
bus segregation had failed to achieve contact with <strong>the</strong> bus company officials. 29 O<strong>the</strong>r<br />
members of <strong>the</strong> WPC were more sympa<strong>the</strong>tic. Thelma Glass, believed that <strong>the</strong> NAACP<br />
<strong>and</strong> APDA worked tirelessly to end bus segregation, but that “<strong>the</strong> Montgomery County<br />
27 E. D. Nixon Interview by Steven Millner July 27, 1977 in The Walking City: The Montgomery Bus<br />
Boycott, 1955-1956, ed. David Garrow (Brooklyn, New York: Carlson Publishing, 1989), 546.<br />
28 Robinson, 23.<br />
29 Robinson, 30<br />
39
Commission often turned a deaf ear to <strong>the</strong> black community's plight <strong>and</strong> threatened to<br />
arrest people if <strong>the</strong>y tried to attend meetings,” <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> NAACP’s h<strong>and</strong>s were tied.<br />
Robinson decided that <strong>the</strong> best course of action would be for <strong>the</strong> WPC to create<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir own list of dem<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong> introduce <strong>the</strong>m to <strong>the</strong> city of Montgomery <strong>and</strong> to <strong>the</strong> bus<br />
company independently of <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r black <strong>political</strong> organizations. Presenting <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
dem<strong>and</strong>s independently of <strong>the</strong> NAACP <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> APDA was not easy for Robinson <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
WPC. They were politely heard by <strong>the</strong> council, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n positively ignored due to both<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir gender <strong>and</strong> race. At a March 1954 meeting <strong>the</strong> commission decided to included<br />
more bus stops in black neighborhoods. Although this was a request <strong>the</strong> WPC made, <strong>the</strong>y<br />
saw this gesture as having little meaning <strong>and</strong> articulately pointed out that <strong>the</strong> City<br />
Council did not address <strong>the</strong>ir dem<strong>and</strong> to end bus segregation. 30<br />
When news of <strong>the</strong> Brown decision calling for an end to segregation in public<br />
schools spread throughout <strong>the</strong> South, Robinson was reinvigorated. Blacks throughout <strong>the</strong><br />
South saw this decision as “<strong>the</strong> second Emancipation Proclamation.” 31 Robinson saw it<br />
as an opportunity to put pressure on <strong>the</strong> city to end bus segregation. Two months later,<br />
with increased frustration, Robinson called Mayor Gayle <strong>and</strong> said that without <strong>the</strong><br />
Mayor’s help “<strong>the</strong>y were going in <strong>the</strong> front door [of <strong>the</strong> bus] <strong>and</strong> sit wherever <strong>the</strong>y<br />
pleased.” 32 Robinson followed up with a written dem<strong>and</strong> from <strong>the</strong> WPC presented to <strong>the</strong><br />
mayor, <strong>the</strong> City Commission, <strong>and</strong> city bus drivers to: seat blacks from back to front <strong>and</strong><br />
whites front to back, but allow integration when in need of seating; not require blacks to<br />
30 Clayborne Carson, et al, eds., The Eyes on <strong>the</strong> Prize Civil Rights Reader (New York: Penguin Books,<br />
1991), 44.<br />
31 Carson, Eyes on <strong>the</strong> Prize, 45.<br />
32 Olson, 91.<br />
40
pay at <strong>the</strong> front, exit <strong>and</strong> re-enter in <strong>the</strong> rear; <strong>and</strong> have buses stop on all corners in black<br />
residential areas. Robinson justified her dem<strong>and</strong>s by explaining that seventy-five percent<br />
of city bus passengers were African American, <strong>and</strong> that “if Negroes did not patronize<br />
<strong>the</strong>m, <strong>the</strong>y could not possibly operate.” 33 The WPC alleged that if <strong>the</strong>ir dem<strong>and</strong>s were<br />
not met, everyday blacks in Montgomery were prepared to arrange rides to work with<br />
neighbors <strong>and</strong> friends, <strong>and</strong> that approximately twenty-five or more city-wide<br />
organizations had discussed plans for a boycott. Although Robinson admitted in her<br />
dem<strong>and</strong>s that “we do not want this,” she was hoping this tactic would intimidate <strong>the</strong> city<br />
commissioners into changing <strong>the</strong> law. 34<br />
Robinson was well aware, however, that <strong>the</strong> black community of Montgomery<br />
was not ready for mobilization for a boycott. Given her experience with <strong>the</strong> existing<br />
black <strong>political</strong> organizations, <strong>the</strong> WPC knew that most black organizations were not<br />
willing to disrupt <strong>the</strong> <strong>political</strong> status quo to fight against a bus segregation law that<br />
affected mainly working class women. In addition, many poor working class blacks were<br />
afraid <strong>the</strong>ir white employers would fire <strong>the</strong>m. Whenever Mary Fair Burks or Jo Ann<br />
Robinson discussed <strong>the</strong> idea of a boycott with <strong>the</strong>ir female peers <strong>and</strong> working-class<br />
friends all <strong>the</strong>y heard in reply was that “<strong>the</strong>y had too far to go to work.” Burks realized<br />
that “everyone would look <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r way.” 35 Although <strong>the</strong>re had been complaints about<br />
<strong>the</strong> laws <strong>and</strong> unfair treatment, many upper class African Americans did not actively seek<br />
to change <strong>the</strong> laws for fear of arrest or because it did not affect <strong>the</strong>m personally.<br />
33 Clayborne Carson, et al, eds., The Eyes on <strong>the</strong> Prize Civil Rights Reader (New York: Penguin Books,<br />
1991), 44.<br />
34 Ibid.<br />
35 Olson, 92.<br />
41
Similarly, many poor African Americans who rode <strong>the</strong> bus everyday <strong>and</strong> suffered abuses<br />
did not actively protest <strong>the</strong> laws to avoid arrests <strong>and</strong> beatings. 36<br />
For Robinson, <strong>the</strong> time had come to evoke change; she would now try to unite <strong>the</strong><br />
black <strong>social</strong> classes so <strong>the</strong>y, as a unified whole, would lead a boycott <strong>and</strong> dem<strong>and</strong> change,<br />
not rely on a single organization. Since joining <strong>the</strong> WPC, bus laws had not changed <strong>and</strong><br />
Robinson realized that this would continue, “As long as black Americans [would] allow<br />
it!” 37 Robinson was determined to expose <strong>the</strong> many arrests that were made every year of<br />
blacks who resisted bus segregation. All that <strong>the</strong> WPC needed was a perfect test case, or<br />
a few for that matter, that illustrated African American women’s treatment on city buses.<br />
While looking for that person, Robinson prepared a statement calling for a city-wide<br />
boycott, with just <strong>the</strong> “effective on” date left blank.<br />
The Search for a Model Case<br />
E.D. Nixon agreed with Robinson; <strong>the</strong> citizens of Montgomery needed a person to<br />
st<strong>and</strong> behind for a boycott to be successful. Ultimately that person would be Rosa Parks;<br />
until <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> WPC, with <strong>the</strong> help of Nixon, interviewed every woman arrested for<br />
breaking bus segregation laws. Robinson was ready to launch <strong>the</strong> campaign <strong>and</strong> willing<br />
to start a large-scale boycott over <strong>the</strong> next individual arrested, man or woman. However,<br />
Robinson ultimately deferred to Nixon on who would be able to gain <strong>the</strong> most sympathy<br />
for a successful protest. As president of <strong>the</strong> local chapter of <strong>the</strong> NAACP, Nixon had a<br />
high degree of respect among black citizens of Montgomery. Even so Robinson<br />
36 Millner, 435.<br />
37 Robinson, 27.<br />
42
discovered that Nixon’s help did not speed up <strong>the</strong> process of ending bus regulation. In<br />
defense of his selectivity over choosing <strong>the</strong> right model, Nixon later recalled specific<br />
reasons that women before Parks were unacceptable:<br />
The case of Louise Smith. I found her daddy in front of <strong>the</strong> shack, barefoot,<br />
drunk. Always drunk. Couldn’t use her. In that year’s second case, <strong>the</strong> girl, very<br />
brilliant but she’d had an illegitimate baby. Couldn’t use her. The last case<br />
before Rosa was <strong>the</strong> daughter of a preacher who headed a reform school for years.<br />
My interview of her convinced me that she wouldn’t st<strong>and</strong> up to pressure. She<br />
was even afraid of me. When Rosa Parks was arrested, I thought ‘this is it!’<br />
‘Cause she’s morally clean, she’s reliable, nobody had nothing on her, she had <strong>the</strong><br />
courage of her convictions. 38<br />
After December 1, 1954, people would say that Rosa Parks didn’t give up her seat<br />
because she was tired. “But that isn’t true,” Mrs. Parks reflected. “I was not tired<br />
physically, or no more tired than I usually was at <strong>the</strong> end of a working day. . . . No, <strong>the</strong><br />
only tired I was, was tired of giving in.” 39 Mrs. Parks knew <strong>the</strong> law, which required her<br />
to refrain from seating in <strong>the</strong> first ten rows of <strong>the</strong> bus, but did not require her to give up<br />
her seat in <strong>the</strong> colored section for a white person. However, Parks was not <strong>the</strong> only<br />
individual who knew this law <strong>and</strong> refused to acquiesce to <strong>the</strong> driver. Parks was inspired<br />
by <strong>the</strong> strength <strong>and</strong> bravery exhibited by one of <strong>the</strong> members of her Youth Council from<br />
<strong>the</strong> NAACP, a fifteen year old named Claudette Colvin. 40<br />
Colvin was an “A” student at Booker T. Washington High, who, ten months prior<br />
to Rosa Parks’ arrest, was contemplating an essay she had just written in her civics class<br />
38 E. D. Nixon Interview by Steven Millner July 27, 1977 in The Walking City: The Montgomery Bus<br />
Boycott, 1955-1956, ed. David Garrow (Brooklyn, New York: Carlson Publishing, 1989), 546.<br />
39 Rosa Parks Rosa Parks: my story. (New York: Dial Books, 1992),116<br />
40 Russell Freedman Freedom Walkers: The Story of <strong>the</strong> Montgomery Bus Boycott. New York: Holiday<br />
House, 2006), 23.<br />
43
while boarding a Montgomery bus. The essay topic was about “<strong>the</strong> injustice of<br />
discrimination . . . denouncing <strong>the</strong> humiliation that black teenagers like herself had to<br />
endure.” 41 Colvin sat in <strong>the</strong> middle of <strong>the</strong> bus, just as <strong>the</strong> law stated, as <strong>the</strong> bus began to<br />
fill <strong>and</strong> faced <strong>the</strong> same situation as Mrs. Parks ten months later. When Colvin resisted<br />
moving far<strong>the</strong>r to <strong>the</strong> back of <strong>the</strong> bus <strong>the</strong> driver informed <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r passengers: “That's<br />
nothing new . . . I've had trouble with that 'thing' before." 42 When challenged by a white<br />
police officer, she cried out, "It's my constitutional right to sit here as much as that lady.<br />
I paid my fare, it's my constitutional right!" The arresting officers suggestively<br />
commented on Colvin’s bra size on <strong>the</strong> way to <strong>the</strong> city jail, <strong>and</strong> called her “black bitch”<br />
<strong>and</strong> “black whore.” 43 While she was dragged off of <strong>the</strong> bus “kicking <strong>and</strong> clawing,” 44<br />
later that day, on <strong>the</strong> advice of her mo<strong>the</strong>r, Claudette acted calmly <strong>and</strong> was well-<br />
mannered when she was charged with violating Montgomery’s segregation ordinance,<br />
disorderly conduct, <strong>and</strong> assault <strong>and</strong> battery. 45<br />
The day after her arrest <strong>the</strong> Alabama Journal reported, “Negro Girl Found Guilty<br />
of Segregation Violation.” The article stated that Ms. Colvin, “a bespectacled, studious<br />
looking high school student,” accepted <strong>the</strong> ruling “with <strong>the</strong> same cool aloofness she had<br />
maintained” during <strong>the</strong> hearing. 46 The NAACP received over 100 letters of<br />
41 Olson 92.<br />
42 Claudette Colvin, Twice Towards Justice (New York : Melanie Kroupa Books/Farrar Straus Giroux,<br />
2009), 17.<br />
43 Colvin, 28.<br />
44 Police Department of <strong>the</strong> City of Montgomery, Alabama, Complaint against Claudette Colvin, March, 2,<br />
1955.<br />
45 Colvin, 7.<br />
46 Barns, Brooks. "From Footnote to Fame in Civil Rights History." New York Times, Nov. 11,<br />
2009, Books section, A1 edition, <br />
44
encouragement <strong>and</strong> support of Colvin, that were sent directly to her Youth Council<br />
advisor, Rosa Parks. 47 The black community had found a figure to rally around, although<br />
it was a limited rally, it was <strong>the</strong> start of something new for <strong>the</strong> black citizens of<br />
Montgomery. Robinson’s excitement increased as she witnessed <strong>the</strong> citizens of<br />
Montgomery uniting behind a young girl’s act of resistance<br />
Colvin appeared, at first glance, to be <strong>the</strong> ideal c<strong>and</strong>idate to create a Montgomery-<br />
wide grassroots boycott of <strong>the</strong> city buses—she was young, well educated <strong>and</strong> most<br />
importantly, seen as a victim. E. D. Nixon, with <strong>the</strong> encouragement of Jo Ann Robinson,<br />
began to follow Colvin closely. Nixon called on J.E. Pierce, a well-know figure at<br />
Alabama State College, to interview Miss Colvin, her family, <strong>and</strong> hint at <strong>the</strong> possibility<br />
of a campaign centered on her protest. However, as with similar post-arrest interviews of<br />
black women <strong>and</strong> girls charged with violating bus segregation laws, Nixon found that<br />
Colvin was not <strong>the</strong> right “fit” to launch a campaign. In Nixon’s opinion, “she was not <strong>the</strong><br />
sort of person who could best withst<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> pressures sure to be exerted on any central<br />
figure in a protest” so he left <strong>the</strong> matter alone. 48 The Women’s Political Council initially<br />
disagreed with Nixon’s selectivity, however, when it was revealed that Colvin was<br />
pregnant with a married man’s child, Robinson agreed that <strong>the</strong> black community would<br />
have a hard time rallying around her. Robinson asserted that “to stage a bus boycott . . .<br />
47 Ibid,.<br />
48 E. D. Nixon Interview by Steven Millner July 27, 1977 in The Walking City: The Montgomery Bus<br />
Boycott, 1955-1956, ed. David Garrow (Brooklyn, New York: Carlson Publishing, 1989), 546.<br />
45
<strong>the</strong> time [had to be] ripe <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> people [had to be] ready. The right time came in<br />
1955.” 49<br />
On December 1, 1955 when Rosa Parks was arrested for “refusing to obey orders<br />
of [a] bus driver,” E.D. Nixon, Robinson <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> WPC had found <strong>the</strong>ir muse. 50 Mrs.<br />
Parks lived a respectable life as a forty-two year old married seamstress. She had worked<br />
as a dedicated secretary <strong>and</strong> sexual assault investigator for <strong>the</strong> local NAACP since 1943,<br />
<strong>and</strong> adviser to <strong>the</strong> organization’s Youth Council. On that particular day, it was reported<br />
that Parks was “tired from work.” 51 A fatigue expected as she spent all day altering<br />
ready-to-wear clothing, <strong>and</strong> would be experiencing <strong>the</strong> holiday rush. Suffering from such<br />
exhaustion, Parks sat down on <strong>the</strong> city bus in <strong>the</strong> middle section, as a city ordinance<br />
dictated that <strong>the</strong> first ten seats of each bus were reserved for whites only, regardless of <strong>the</strong><br />
number of whites on <strong>the</strong> bus. Shortly after Mrs. Parks took her seat, <strong>the</strong> remaining seats<br />
on <strong>the</strong> bus began to fill. As more white individuals boarded <strong>the</strong> bus, <strong>the</strong> bus driver<br />
requested that several black individuals give up <strong>the</strong>ir seat. Although Parks did not move,<br />
three o<strong>the</strong>r black men did. After <strong>the</strong> driver made several requests that Parks move, he<br />
threatened Parks, “If you don’t st<strong>and</strong> up, I’m going to call <strong>the</strong> police <strong>and</strong> have you<br />
arrested.” “You may do that,” Parks replied in a calm manner. 52 Reflecting on her<br />
experience that historic day she wrote, “As I sat <strong>the</strong>re, I tried not to think about what<br />
might happen. I knew that anything was possible. I could be manh<strong>and</strong>led or beaten.” 53<br />
49 Robinson, 17.<br />
50 Rosa Parks arrest report<br />
51 Robinson, 43.<br />
52 Rosa Parks Rosa Parks: my story. (New York: Dial Books, 1992),116<br />
53 Parks, 116.<br />
46
While o<strong>the</strong>rs suffered physical abuse before that day for resisting Montgomery<br />
segregation laws, Parks was instead arrested, fingerprinted <strong>and</strong> photographed.<br />
Planned rebellion or not, Parks decided that “<strong>the</strong>re had to be a stopping place, <strong>and</strong><br />
this seemed to have been <strong>the</strong> place for me to stop being pushed around, <strong>and</strong> to find out<br />
what human rights I had, if any.” 54 After her arrest, a very dignified Parks, listened to <strong>the</strong><br />
charge against her of refusing to obey <strong>the</strong> orders of a city bus driver, was photographed,<br />
fingerprinted, <strong>and</strong> escorted to a jail cell. The wheels were now set in motion for a<br />
boycott. Nixon heard of Parks’ arrest shortly after she was processed. He contacted an<br />
acquaintance <strong>and</strong> lawyer, Clifford Durr, <strong>the</strong> bro<strong>the</strong>r-in-law of Supreme Court Justice<br />
Hugo Black <strong>and</strong> quickly posted Mrs. Parks’ $100 bond. Robinson recalled, “<strong>the</strong> news<br />
traveled like wildfire into every black home. Telephones jangled; people congregated on<br />
street corners <strong>and</strong> in homes <strong>and</strong> talked. . . . But <strong>the</strong>re was a silent tension waiting.” 55<br />
Robinson was ready to launch a boycott <strong>and</strong> wondered if Parks could be <strong>the</strong> uniting force<br />
<strong>the</strong> WPC had been looking for. Parks was polite, levelheaded, respectful, <strong>and</strong> had<br />
technically not violated <strong>the</strong> law as she was sitting in <strong>the</strong> black section of <strong>the</strong> bus; this was<br />
an ideal case to highlight <strong>the</strong> injustices blacks endured while riding city buses.<br />
While <strong>the</strong> rest of Montgomery was “sullen <strong>and</strong> uncommunicative,” Robinson<br />
contacted attorney Fred Gray, a former student of hers, <strong>and</strong> plotted <strong>the</strong> boycott. After<br />
hearing in detail <strong>the</strong> leaflets she had already composed calling for a boycott, Gray asked<br />
Robinson, “are you ready?” Mrs. Robinson responded “without hesitation . . . assured<br />
54 Rosa Parks in Highl<strong>and</strong>er Fold School Tapes, 12-F.<br />
55 Robinson, 44.<br />
47
him that we were . . . <strong>and</strong> [we] went to work.” 56 Throughout <strong>the</strong> previous year, as stories<br />
had reached <strong>the</strong> WPC of “yellow monsters,” as black riders called <strong>the</strong>m, avoiding picking<br />
up black passengers while <strong>the</strong>y waited in <strong>the</strong> rain, shutting doors on <strong>the</strong> passengers when<br />
<strong>the</strong>y exited <strong>the</strong> bus <strong>and</strong> throwing <strong>the</strong>ir changed at <strong>the</strong>m as <strong>the</strong>y paid, <strong>the</strong>ir militancy grew.<br />
The women of <strong>the</strong> WPC had laid out detailed plans for such an occasion. As stories<br />
increasingly reached <strong>the</strong> WPC of “yellow monsters,” as black riders called <strong>the</strong>m,<br />
avoiding picking up black passengers while <strong>the</strong>y waited in <strong>the</strong> rain, shutting doors on <strong>the</strong><br />
passengers when <strong>the</strong>y exited <strong>the</strong> bus <strong>and</strong> throwing <strong>the</strong>ir changed at <strong>the</strong>m as <strong>the</strong>y paid,<br />
Robinson’s militancy grew. 57<br />
The Boycott Begins<br />
After Colvin’s arrest, Robinson <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> WPC had been ready to call for a boycott.<br />
With Parks’ arrest <strong>the</strong>y put into action <strong>the</strong>ir plan to distribute fifty thous<strong>and</strong> notices<br />
calling people to boycott <strong>the</strong> buses. 58 Following her meeting with Gray, Robinson<br />
immediately filled in <strong>the</strong> date on her prepared leaflet, mimeographed it, <strong>and</strong> by 4 A.M.<br />
<strong>the</strong> day after Parks’ arrest, <strong>the</strong> leaflets were ready to distribute. Each leaflet read:<br />
Ano<strong>the</strong>r Negro woman has been arrested <strong>and</strong> thrown in jail because she refused to<br />
get up out of her seat on <strong>the</strong> bus for a white person to sit down. It has been <strong>the</strong><br />
second time since <strong>the</strong> Claudette Colvin case that a Negro woman has been<br />
arrested for <strong>the</strong> same thing. This has to be stopped. Negroes have rights, too, for<br />
if Negroes did not ride <strong>the</strong> buses, <strong>the</strong>y could not operate. Three-fourths of <strong>the</strong><br />
riders are Negroes, yet we are arrested, or have to st<strong>and</strong> over empty seats. If we<br />
do not do something to stop <strong>the</strong>se arrests, <strong>the</strong>y will continue. The next time it<br />
may be you, or your daughter, or mo<strong>the</strong>r. This woman’s case will come up on<br />
56 Robinson,), 44-45.<br />
57 Robinson, 39.<br />
58 Robinson, 39.<br />
48
Monday. We are, <strong>the</strong>refore, asking every Negro to stay off <strong>the</strong> buses Monday in<br />
protest of <strong>the</strong> arrest <strong>and</strong> trial. Don’t ride <strong>the</strong> buses to work, to town, to school, or<br />
anywhere on Monday. You can afford to stay out of school for one day if you<br />
have no o<strong>the</strong>r way to go except by bus. You can also afford to stay out of town<br />
for one day. If you work, take a cab, or walk. But please children <strong>and</strong> grown-ups,<br />
don’t ride <strong>the</strong> bus at all on Monday. Please stay off of all buses Monday.<br />
Robinson was careful to include <strong>the</strong> Colvin case, which was still fresh on <strong>the</strong> minds of<br />
<strong>the</strong> black community. To create a unified movement, Robinson knew that drawing on <strong>the</strong><br />
sou<strong>the</strong>rn tradition of protecting women would be a persuasive strong force, <strong>and</strong> so she<br />
emphasized <strong>the</strong> injustices experienced by women.<br />
Money was tight in <strong>the</strong> WPC without a treasury <strong>and</strong> Robinson had to make <strong>the</strong><br />
most out of her precious leaflets. Each leaflet was carefully distributed in a place where<br />
it would be ei<strong>the</strong>r read by a variety of people or read <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n spread by word of mouth.<br />
Between four <strong>and</strong> seven in <strong>the</strong> morning, routes were planned, <strong>and</strong> at eight o’clock <strong>the</strong><br />
women of <strong>the</strong> WPC distributed leaflets to Montgomery’s churches, beauty parlors, beer<br />
halls, factories, barber shops <strong>and</strong> business places. 59 The WPC had practiced for this<br />
moment for years. Their direct <strong>and</strong> immediate action, as well as <strong>the</strong>ir ability to work<br />
quickly through <strong>the</strong> night illustrated <strong>the</strong>ir long-awaited determination to start a boycott.<br />
By <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> day, “no one knew where <strong>the</strong> notices had come from or who had<br />
arranged for <strong>the</strong>ir circulation, <strong>and</strong> no one cared. Those who passed <strong>the</strong>m on did so<br />
efficiently, quietly, <strong>and</strong> without comment.” 60<br />
The biggest obstacle to launching <strong>the</strong> boycott <strong>and</strong> advocating for change in<br />
Montgomery buses was uniting <strong>the</strong> black community under a common cause. The<br />
59 Robinson, 45.<br />
60 Robinson, 47.<br />
49
leaflets produced by Robinson after Parks’ arrest did just that. Nixon <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> NAACP<br />
had correctly assumed that <strong>the</strong> black population of Montgomery, specifically <strong>the</strong><br />
educated <strong>and</strong> affluent groups, did not know about <strong>the</strong> abuse on <strong>the</strong> buses. Until <strong>the</strong><br />
leaflets were distributed, many blacks were unaware of <strong>the</strong> specific arrests <strong>and</strong> treatment<br />
many African American women endured while riding <strong>the</strong> buses. This was especially true<br />
of <strong>the</strong> more educated <strong>and</strong> more <strong>economic</strong>ally well-off blacks as Robinson learned when<br />
<strong>the</strong> president of her college, Dr. Trenhom, called her to his office to express his<br />
disapproval of her involvement in “<strong>the</strong> Parks affair.” Rumors had spread throughout <strong>the</strong><br />
city that Robinson <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Women’s Political Council had been <strong>the</strong> driving force behind<br />
<strong>the</strong> call for a boycott. Faced with Dr. Trenholm’s ignorance of <strong>the</strong> situation, Robinson<br />
realized that a large part of <strong>the</strong> boycott would be to educate <strong>the</strong> entire black community<br />
of physical <strong>and</strong> emotional abuses experienced by riders on <strong>the</strong> city buses. Determined<br />
that even if he fired her, she would stay in his office until he saw <strong>the</strong> importance of a<br />
boycott, Robinson eventually saw “<strong>the</strong> anger slowly receding from his face . . . <strong>and</strong><br />
concerns began to show in his expression.” 61 From <strong>the</strong>re <strong>the</strong> WPC knew <strong>the</strong> leaders of<br />
<strong>the</strong> black community, lawyers, bankers, politicians <strong>and</strong> reverends, would follow.<br />
The day after Parks’ arrest, <strong>the</strong> Friday night church service at Dexter Avenue<br />
Baptist Church was buzzing when <strong>the</strong> churchgoers had received leaflets during <strong>the</strong> day.<br />
Newly appointed minister Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr. could barely control <strong>the</strong> fervor <strong>and</strong><br />
excitement of <strong>the</strong> crowd who eagerly dem<strong>and</strong>ed a mass meeting <strong>the</strong> night of <strong>the</strong><br />
61 Robinson, 49.<br />
50
originally planned “one day boycott,” <strong>the</strong> following Monday. 62 Needing ano<strong>the</strong>r round of<br />
quickly printed fliers, <strong>the</strong> WPC was called on to prepare notices of <strong>the</strong> Monday night<br />
meeting <strong>and</strong> h<strong>and</strong> deliver <strong>the</strong>m door to door over <strong>the</strong> weekend. The WPC reminded <strong>the</strong><br />
community once again to “stay off <strong>the</strong> buses” but added information about <strong>the</strong> mass<br />
meeting where individuals could receive “fur<strong>the</strong>r instructions” on how to fight bus<br />
segregation. 63 These vaguely worded instructions aided in Robinson’s cause as it aroused<br />
<strong>the</strong> interest of blacks <strong>and</strong> whites alike.<br />
The white press, specifically <strong>the</strong> Montgomery Advisor, reported <strong>the</strong> boycott could<br />
be a violent day of action by blacks on both <strong>the</strong> white <strong>and</strong> black communities. On <strong>the</strong><br />
day of <strong>the</strong> boycott <strong>the</strong> Montgomery Advisor carried <strong>the</strong> caption “Extra Police Set for<br />
Patrol Work in Trolley Boycott.” 64 The paper printed false stories of black domestics<br />
who were not going to report to work for fear that protesting “Negros would do <strong>the</strong>m<br />
bodily harm.” Because of this, local police vowed to “maintain law <strong>and</strong> order” <strong>and</strong><br />
“protect Negro riders.” The efforts of <strong>the</strong> white press to discourage support for <strong>the</strong><br />
boycott were to no avail, as <strong>the</strong> black community “scoffed at” <strong>the</strong>se stories, <strong>and</strong> empty<br />
Montgomery buses trailed along all day void of black passengers. 65<br />
On <strong>the</strong> night of <strong>the</strong> first day of <strong>the</strong> boycott, <strong>the</strong> first mass meeting took place at<br />
Holt Street Baptist church under <strong>the</strong> leadership of Reverend Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr. <strong>and</strong><br />
Reverend Ralph Abernathy. At this meeting of thous<strong>and</strong>s King addressed <strong>the</strong> crowd<br />
announcing:<br />
62 Robinson, 56.<br />
63 Robinson, 56.<br />
64 Robinson, 57.<br />
65 Robinson, 58.<br />
51
There comes a time when people get tired of being trampled over by <strong>the</strong> iron feet<br />
of oppression. There comes a time, my friends, when people get tired of being<br />
plunged across <strong>the</strong> abyss of humiliation, where <strong>the</strong>y experience <strong>the</strong> bleakness of<br />
nagging despair. There comes a time when people get tired of being pushed out<br />
of <strong>the</strong> glittering sunlight of life’s July. . . There comes a time. 66<br />
The audience responded throughout King’s speech with words of encouragement <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
crowd agreed to continue <strong>the</strong> boycott until <strong>the</strong> buses were integrated. To continue <strong>the</strong><br />
protest a new organization was created, <strong>the</strong> Montgomery Improvement Association<br />
(MIA). Robinson <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> women of <strong>the</strong> WPC decided to merge <strong>the</strong>ir efforts with <strong>the</strong><br />
MIA <strong>and</strong> took on many administrative roles in <strong>the</strong> MIA including newsletter editor,<br />
secretary, welfare secretary, <strong>and</strong> financial secretary. 67 Although <strong>the</strong> women did not take<br />
any direct leadership roles within <strong>the</strong> MIA, Robinson <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> members of <strong>the</strong> WPC knew<br />
how important <strong>the</strong>ir roles were. WPC member Johnnie Carr recalled,<br />
When all <strong>the</strong> dust settled <strong>the</strong> women were <strong>the</strong>re when it cleared. They were <strong>the</strong>re<br />
in <strong>the</strong> positions to hold <strong>the</strong> thing [MIA] toge<strong>the</strong>r. We took <strong>the</strong> position that if<br />
anything comes up, all you have to do is whistle <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> men will be <strong>the</strong>re.<br />
They’d come. But <strong>the</strong> little day-to-day things, taking care of <strong>the</strong> finances, things<br />
like that, <strong>the</strong> women still take care of that. 68<br />
Ensuring transportation to work, organizing voluntary carpools, controlling <strong>the</strong> finances<br />
<strong>and</strong> h<strong>and</strong>ling insurance for <strong>the</strong> MIA’s cars to help people avoid <strong>the</strong> buses was vital to <strong>the</strong><br />
success of <strong>the</strong> boycott. Without such tasks, <strong>the</strong> black community might have been<br />
inclined to ride buses due to <strong>the</strong> hardship of avoiding <strong>the</strong>m. Because of <strong>the</strong>ir involvement<br />
66 Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr. “Address to <strong>the</strong> first Montgomery Improvement Association Mass Meeting”<br />
December 5, 1955 Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King Jr,And <strong>the</strong> Global Freedom Struggle Stanford. <br />
67 Interview with Johnnie Carr.<br />
68 Interview with Erna Dungee Allen, 523.<br />
52
in <strong>the</strong> MIA, <strong>the</strong> women of <strong>the</strong> WPC were able to keep <strong>the</strong> boycott going successfully for<br />
over a year.<br />
During <strong>the</strong> initial months of <strong>the</strong> boycott, <strong>the</strong> resilience of <strong>the</strong> boycott was tested as<br />
<strong>the</strong> MIA encountered much resistance from <strong>the</strong> white community <strong>and</strong> City<br />
Commissioners over <strong>the</strong> massive protest. The White Citizens Council (WCC), a group of<br />
white men, predominantly businessmen, swelled in membership, with new members<br />
joining everyday, including <strong>the</strong> city’s police commissioner Clyde Sellers. Shortly after<br />
joining <strong>the</strong> WCC, Sellers announced on television that 85 to 90 percent of <strong>the</strong> boycotters<br />
wanted to return to <strong>the</strong> buses, if it were not for <strong>the</strong> boycott leaders who “would attack<br />
boycotters or anybody who advocated going back to <strong>the</strong> bus again without some<br />
satisfactory chances in <strong>the</strong> system.” One of <strong>the</strong> City Commissioners additionally<br />
announced that a number of businessmen were “going to lay off Negro employees who<br />
were being used as NAACP instruments in this boycott.” 69 The boycott faced additional<br />
problems when blacks were arrested for riding in a car with too many passengers, or were<br />
arrested for minor traffic violations. O<strong>the</strong>r boycotters faced violence, house bombs, <strong>and</strong><br />
rotten tomatoes, eggs <strong>and</strong> potatoes thrown at <strong>the</strong>m. 70<br />
The Browder Case<br />
As Montgomery’s City Commissioners <strong>and</strong> White Citizens Council continued to<br />
challenge <strong>the</strong> boycott through <strong>the</strong> media, violence <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r forms of intimidation, King<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> MIA decided that for <strong>the</strong> boycott officially to end <strong>the</strong>y would need a legal<br />
69 Robinson, 116.<br />
70 Robinson, 125.<br />
53
precedent. Although many blacks were reluctant to launch a court case to change a<br />
system because it could be a slow process with violent repercussions from <strong>the</strong> white<br />
community throughout <strong>the</strong> process, <strong>the</strong> MIA found strength in <strong>the</strong> Brown decision. Fred<br />
Gray, on behalf of <strong>the</strong> NAACP, launched a precedent-making court case, similar to<br />
Brown v. Board to challenge <strong>the</strong> constitutionality of segregated seating on buses. For a<br />
lawsuit to be successful, Gray would have to file a federal civil suit, which did not<br />
include Parks because her case was still a matter for <strong>the</strong> local criminal courts. 71 Robinson<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> WPC found, organized, <strong>and</strong> investigated <strong>the</strong> plaintiffs for <strong>the</strong> case <strong>and</strong> on<br />
February 1, 1956, Gray filed Browder v. Gayle, a suit on behalf of five black women who<br />
had experienced some form of racial discrimination on local buses. Amelia Browder,<br />
Susie McDonald, Jeanetta Reese, Claudette Colvin <strong>and</strong> Mary Louise Smith were listed as<br />
plaintiffs <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> City Commissioners, Police Chief Ruppenthal, <strong>the</strong> bus company <strong>and</strong><br />
two drivers were listed as defendants. Gray charged <strong>the</strong> defendants with “a conspiracy to<br />
interfere with <strong>the</strong> civil <strong>and</strong> constitutional rights of <strong>the</strong> Negro citizens” of Montgomery by<br />
employing “force, threats, violence, intimidation, <strong>and</strong> harassment.” 72 These tactics were<br />
used to prevent <strong>the</strong> community from using public transportation, <strong>the</strong>refore depriving <strong>the</strong>m<br />
of <strong>the</strong>ir rights under <strong>the</strong> equal protection clause of <strong>the</strong> Fourteenth Amendment. The suit<br />
dem<strong>and</strong>ed <strong>the</strong> prevention of <strong>the</strong> defendants from causing such interference in <strong>the</strong> future,<br />
define <strong>the</strong> legal rights of <strong>the</strong> parties involved <strong>and</strong> “br<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> interference cited above as a<br />
71 Thomas J. Gilliam “The Montgomery Bus Boycott of 1955-1956.” In The Walking<br />
City: The Montgomery Bus Boycott, 1955-1956, ed. David Garrow, 191-302. Brooklyn, New York:<br />
Carlson Publishing, 1989), 262.<br />
72 Browder vs. Gayle, petition of suit.<br />
54
violation of <strong>the</strong> Fourteenth Amendment” making Montgomery’s City Code “null <strong>and</strong><br />
void.” 73<br />
The Browder lawsuit was met with much resistance by <strong>the</strong> WCC. In February<br />
1956 <strong>the</strong> City Commissioners <strong>and</strong> WCC dem<strong>and</strong>ed that <strong>the</strong> gr<strong>and</strong> jury investigate <strong>the</strong><br />
legality of <strong>the</strong> boycott claiming that <strong>the</strong> MIA violated an Alabama law that read:<br />
Two or more persons who, without a just cause or legal excuse for so doing, enter<br />
into any combination, conspiracy, agreement, arrangement, or underst<strong>and</strong>ing for<br />
<strong>the</strong> purpose of hindering, delaying, or preventing any persons, firms, corporations,<br />
or association of persons from carrying on any lawful business, shall be guilty of<br />
a misdemeanor. 74<br />
After four months of investigation <strong>the</strong> MIA was found guilty of prohibiting <strong>the</strong> conduct<br />
of business <strong>and</strong> over one hundred leaders were arrested, including Robinson. Although<br />
meant to end <strong>the</strong> boycott, this action only streng<strong>the</strong>ned <strong>the</strong> boycott <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> MIA saw an<br />
increase in donations from across <strong>the</strong> country to free MIA leaders on $300 bond. 75<br />
During a recess of <strong>the</strong> MIA trial in November 1956 a member of <strong>the</strong> Associated<br />
Press h<strong>and</strong>ed King a note that read: “The United States Supreme Court today affirmed a<br />
decision of a special three-judge panel in declaring Alabama’s state <strong>and</strong> local laws<br />
requiring segregation on buses unconstitutional. The Supreme Court acted without<br />
listening to any argument; it simply said ‘<strong>the</strong> motion to affirm is granted <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Judgment is affirmed.’” 76 News of <strong>the</strong> decision spread quickly. Robinson remembered,<br />
“after <strong>the</strong> verdict sank in, <strong>the</strong> initial outbursts subsided, tears were wiped away, voices<br />
73<br />
Browder vs. Gayle, petition of suit.<br />
74<br />
Alabama State Code, Title L4, Section 54.<br />
75<br />
Robinson, 152.<br />
76<br />
Christopher Coleman “Social Movements <strong>and</strong> Social-Change Litigation: Synergy in <strong>the</strong> Montgomery<br />
Bus Protest” Law <strong>and</strong> Social Inquiry 30 (Autumn, 2005), 664.<br />
55
grew calm. In a few minutes <strong>the</strong> outward emotions disappeared, to be replaced by a<br />
prayerful attitude. Silent prayers of thanksgiving were uttered. A calm serenity spread<br />
over most faces.” 77 Although King announced that <strong>the</strong> black community would return to<br />
<strong>the</strong> buses whenever <strong>the</strong> Supreme Court’s order was delivered to Montgomery, he knew<br />
that <strong>the</strong>re was a long road ahead to achieve equality. Just as whites had resisted school<br />
integration throughout <strong>the</strong> South <strong>and</strong> in many parts of <strong>the</strong> North, bus integration was a<br />
difficult step for many whites <strong>and</strong> blacks alike. Although both races were timid at first to<br />
ride <strong>the</strong> buses, once <strong>the</strong>y boarded <strong>the</strong>re was a “quiet dignity” among most riders as <strong>the</strong><br />
drivers were happy to get <strong>the</strong>ir jobs back <strong>and</strong> citizens reflected on <strong>the</strong> “sophistication of<br />
<strong>the</strong> boycott.” 78 King reflected, “it must have appeared to many people that our struggle in<br />
Montgomery was over. Actually, <strong>the</strong> most difficult state of crisis had just begun.” 79<br />
Despite <strong>the</strong> successful boycott <strong>and</strong> legal case, historians <strong>and</strong> scholars continue to<br />
disagree on <strong>the</strong> importance of <strong>the</strong> boycott in bringing about an end to bus segregation.<br />
Proponents of <strong>the</strong> “legal-change” <strong>the</strong>sis such as Thurgood Marshall claimed that<br />
litigation <strong>and</strong> federal courts alone ended bus segregation: “All that walking for nothing.<br />
They might as well have waited for <strong>the</strong> court decision.” 80 Ano<strong>the</strong>r legal scholar argues<br />
that <strong>the</strong> violence was minimal <strong>and</strong> integration more seamless than school integration<br />
because <strong>the</strong> combined efforts of <strong>the</strong> boycott <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Browder case reinforced each o<strong>the</strong>r.<br />
The boycott produced “a ‘dynamic stalemate’ between Montgomery Blacks <strong>and</strong> city<br />
77 Robinson, 164.<br />
78 Robinson, 167.<br />
79 Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King <strong>and</strong> Clayborne Carson. Stride Toward Freedom: <strong>the</strong> Montgomery Story (Boston:<br />
Beacon Press, 2010), 245.<br />
80 Coleman, 664.<br />
56
officials” when blacks declared <strong>the</strong>y would not patron <strong>the</strong> buses until <strong>the</strong>y were<br />
integrated <strong>and</strong> white city officials hiding behind <strong>the</strong> law. 81 Under ei<strong>the</strong>r school of<br />
thought, it is clear that <strong>the</strong> women of <strong>the</strong> WPC were <strong>the</strong> driving force behind both <strong>the</strong><br />
boycott <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>mark case ending bus segregation.<br />
For Robinson, “The boycott [is] <strong>the</strong> most beautiful memory that all of us who<br />
participated will carry to our final resting place. . . [people] have <strong>the</strong> right to know about<br />
<strong>the</strong> struggle of <strong>the</strong>ir forebears, in helping to make this country beautiful for all its<br />
people.” 82 While passengers on city buses were integrated after <strong>the</strong> Supreme Court<br />
h<strong>and</strong>ed down its decision, <strong>the</strong> fight for civil rights continued in Montgomery, <strong>the</strong> South<br />
<strong>and</strong> throughout most of <strong>the</strong> country. For Robinson, <strong>the</strong> WPC <strong>and</strong> many teachers at<br />
Alabama State College <strong>the</strong> struggle for civil rights <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> bus boycott continued to affect<br />
<strong>the</strong>m personally <strong>and</strong> professionally. A history professor who documented <strong>the</strong> boycott for<br />
posterity was terminated from his job <strong>and</strong> asked to leave <strong>the</strong> city in 1959 by state<br />
officials. Although campus president Dr. Trenholm kept his job, he lost his role as a<br />
teacher evaluator. Tensions escalated in 1960 when student protesters were arrested for a<br />
sit-in at <strong>the</strong> college. In protest of <strong>the</strong>ir arrests a large number of faculty, Robinson <strong>and</strong><br />
Burks included, resigned on <strong>the</strong> last day of school. After <strong>the</strong>ir resignations, each teacher<br />
was offered a job over <strong>the</strong> telephone that night at o<strong>the</strong>r colleges with higher salaries, <strong>and</strong><br />
better opportunities for advancement. 83 With <strong>the</strong> resignations of several WPC members<br />
at Alabama College, <strong>the</strong> WPC ended <strong>and</strong> many women joined <strong>the</strong> MIA (which continues<br />
81 Coleman 665.<br />
82 Robinson, 11.<br />
83 Robinson, 170.<br />
57
to this day) <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r activist organizations. Despite <strong>the</strong> hardships faced after <strong>the</strong><br />
boycott, because of Robinson <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> WPC “<strong>the</strong> city enjoys public bus service on an<br />
integrated basis, as if <strong>the</strong> system had always been that way.” 84<br />
84 Robinson, 178.<br />
58
Historical Thinking<br />
CHAPTER FOUR<br />
TEACHING THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT<br />
From <strong>the</strong> 1960s through today, <strong>the</strong> teaching of <strong>the</strong> civil rights movement has<br />
emphasized <strong>the</strong> defiant heroes who strongly <strong>and</strong> selflessly resisted oppression. Although<br />
it is important to underst<strong>and</strong> how Reverend Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr., <strong>and</strong> Rosa Parks<br />
influenced <strong>the</strong> movement, simply teaching about a few figureheads of a movement that<br />
relied on <strong>the</strong> participation of large numbers of everyday people, neglects <strong>the</strong> complex<br />
<strong>social</strong>, <strong>economic</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>political</strong> choices African Americans had to make to have a<br />
successful boycott. Decisions about possibly losing one’s job, losing any <strong>political</strong> capital<br />
or facing violence or arrest. Without teaching <strong>the</strong>se complexities students do not learn to<br />
think critically about <strong>the</strong> development <strong>and</strong> complication of <strong>the</strong> movement.<br />
Most students enter <strong>the</strong>ir eleventh grade United States history classroom knowing<br />
<strong>the</strong> names <strong>and</strong> achievements of King <strong>and</strong> Parks <strong>and</strong> most can additionally connect <strong>the</strong><br />
Montgomery bus boycott to both individuals—Parks who started <strong>the</strong> movement with her<br />
refusal to give up her seat to a white man <strong>and</strong> King who led <strong>the</strong> boycott to success<br />
through nonviolent resistance. In American culture <strong>and</strong> memory, <strong>the</strong>se two individuals<br />
remain part of <strong>the</strong> American mainstream through Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr. Day <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
ubiquitous use of Rosa Parks’ image sitting quietly in a bus. They are both important<br />
individuals in American history. Equally important is teaching students <strong>the</strong> historical<br />
context of <strong>the</strong> boycott that catapulted <strong>the</strong> two individuals to fame <strong>and</strong> prominence. Parks<br />
59
was not just “tired” <strong>and</strong> thus refused to move from her seat. Additionally, King did not<br />
singularly initiate <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n lead <strong>the</strong> boycott without opposition. Encouraging students to<br />
accept an incomplete story does a disservice to <strong>the</strong>se two individuals who <strong>the</strong>n seem to<br />
have appeared out of thin air, <strong>and</strong> fails to encourage <strong>the</strong> students to ask <strong>the</strong> question<br />
“why?”. To address <strong>the</strong>se weaknesses, teachers can include information on historical<br />
individuals typically not in <strong>the</strong>ir textbook or listed in <strong>the</strong> st<strong>and</strong>ards. This encourages<br />
students to view history as complex, <strong>and</strong> that a variety of different people have a stake in<br />
history, despite <strong>the</strong> fact that not all people are, or can be represented. Additionally,<br />
teaching a movement or era in an in-depth manner allows students to learn how to<br />
question o<strong>the</strong>r eras or moments in history. When students are exposed to this way of<br />
learning history once, <strong>the</strong>y learn <strong>the</strong> need to question o<strong>the</strong>r histories, <strong>and</strong> to research<br />
protests, individuals, groups or cultural movements not commonly included in <strong>the</strong><br />
curriculum that impacted <strong>the</strong> American past as whole.<br />
Teaching with Historical Documents <strong>and</strong> Images<br />
History textbooks are excellent sources for students to gain fundamental history<br />
knowledge. They have charts, maps, graphs, biographical asides <strong>and</strong> concisely teach<br />
major historical events. However, <strong>the</strong>y do not encourage or teach students how to think<br />
historically. They simply tell students <strong>the</strong> facts as <strong>the</strong>y are. Textbooks rarely cite <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
sources, primary materials are pushed to <strong>the</strong> side, or bottom of <strong>the</strong> text (no man’s l<strong>and</strong> for<br />
a typical high school student), <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> text speaks from an “omniscient third-person. No<br />
visible author confronts <strong>the</strong> reader; instead, a corporate author speaks form a position of<br />
60
transcendence, a position of knowing from on high.” 1 Remembering endless dates,<br />
names of people, or places is what most adults remember about <strong>the</strong>ir history classes. At<br />
Back to School Night, history teachers might hear endlessly from parents about how <strong>the</strong>y<br />
were horrible in <strong>the</strong>ir high school history class because <strong>the</strong>y have a bad memory.<br />
Textbook-only teaching cultivates <strong>the</strong> preconceived notion that history equates to<br />
memorization. There is ano<strong>the</strong>r way. As historians already know, a written history is<br />
only as good as <strong>the</strong> sources utilized. The same is true of <strong>the</strong> high school history teacher<br />
who needs to actively seek <strong>and</strong> teach information not included in a st<strong>and</strong>ard textbook.<br />
St<strong>and</strong>ardized testing in history classes has taught students that it is more important<br />
to remember facts <strong>and</strong> answer knowledge-based questions than to ask questions <strong>and</strong><br />
conduct research to answer higher-level analytical questions. When students confront a<br />
primary source for <strong>the</strong> first time. After giving students a primary document to read <strong>the</strong>y<br />
will most likely respond by giving additional background to <strong>the</strong> document, telling <strong>the</strong><br />
teacher about <strong>the</strong> author or <strong>the</strong> specific people <strong>and</strong>/or places referenced in <strong>the</strong> document.<br />
The problem rests with students <strong>the</strong>y use <strong>the</strong>ir current underst<strong>and</strong>ing <strong>and</strong> thought<br />
processes to assess a real past that is based on a different set of preconceptions. 2 Students<br />
learn to reveal what <strong>the</strong>y know about <strong>the</strong> document to <strong>the</strong> teacher, expecting <strong>the</strong> teacher<br />
to be singularly impressed, without questioning <strong>the</strong> document to determine <strong>the</strong><br />
importance of context.<br />
1 Sam Wineburg, Historical Thinking <strong>and</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r Unnatural Acts: Charting <strong>the</strong> Future of teaching <strong>the</strong> Past<br />
(Philadelphia, Temple University Press: 2001), 13.<br />
2 Sam Wineburg, Historical Thinking <strong>and</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r Unnatural Acts: Charting <strong>the</strong> Future of teaching <strong>the</strong> Past<br />
(Philadelphia, Temple University Press: 2001), 10.<br />
61
This skill of teaching students how to ask questions that uncover historical context<br />
should not only be used when presented with documents, but also with <strong>the</strong> actions of<br />
individuals throughout history. After teaching <strong>the</strong> story of Rosa Parks <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Montgomery bus boycott students often acknowledge that what Parks did was<br />
extraordinary, however, most students believe that <strong>the</strong>y would have had <strong>the</strong> same courage<br />
as Parks. When I teach this unit to eleventh grade United States history students, I ask<br />
<strong>the</strong>m about <strong>the</strong> degree of courage <strong>the</strong>y believe <strong>the</strong>y would have in <strong>the</strong> same historical<br />
situation. Many students claimed that <strong>the</strong>y would resist <strong>the</strong> bus driver’s request to move<br />
because of <strong>the</strong>ir knowledge of <strong>the</strong> Constitution <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir hatred of discrimination. They<br />
argued that <strong>the</strong> bus regulations “weren’t fair,” “violated <strong>the</strong> 14 th amendment,” or was<br />
simply “bad business” on <strong>the</strong> part of <strong>the</strong> bus company. Despite <strong>the</strong> students’ knowledge<br />
about what is, or should be right <strong>and</strong> wrong, students lack critical thinking about why<br />
those bus regulations exist, or why most individuals in Montgomery until <strong>the</strong> 1950s did<br />
not resist bus codes. When presented with Parks’ story as an introductory lesson on <strong>the</strong><br />
civil rights movement, or <strong>the</strong> boycott itself, students should be encouraged to respond<br />
with additional questions before drawing <strong>the</strong> conclusion that <strong>the</strong>y would act similarly:<br />
Why was Parks expected to give up her seat? Why did Parks refuse to give up her seat?<br />
Why was that an extraordinary task at <strong>the</strong> time? If <strong>the</strong>re were people prior to Parks who<br />
did <strong>the</strong> same thing why are <strong>the</strong>y not remembered? When students are taught that history<br />
is a never-ending activity of asking questions <strong>and</strong> , <strong>the</strong>y will be able to adequately<br />
evaluate history.<br />
62
Students learn in <strong>the</strong>ir history classes that <strong>the</strong>y are like <strong>the</strong> historical individuals<br />
of <strong>the</strong> past. This is a technique used by elementary school teachers to engage a younger<br />
audience to an appreciation for <strong>the</strong> past. However, as initially useful as this method is,<br />
for historian Carlo Ginzburg it is <strong>the</strong> bane of a future historian:<br />
The historian’s task is just <strong>the</strong> opposite of what most of us were taught to believe.<br />
He must destroy our false sense of proximity to people of <strong>the</strong> past because <strong>the</strong>y<br />
come from societies very different from our own. The more we discover about<br />
<strong>the</strong>se people’s mental universes, <strong>the</strong> more we should be shocked by <strong>the</strong> cultural<br />
distance that separates us from <strong>the</strong>m. 3<br />
Ginzburg’s study on <strong>the</strong> life of a miller named Minocchio who was tried, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n burned<br />
at <strong>the</strong> stake, is an example of historical thinking that should be encouraged in every<br />
history classroom. Ginzburg argues that Minocchio is a man similar to many men today.<br />
Yet, what he read, his job, <strong>the</strong> activities of his children <strong>and</strong> major religious events shaped<br />
Minocchio’s conceptualization of his own society. Students today, or even modern<br />
historians, can only hypo<strong>the</strong>size about <strong>the</strong> past. However, students need to place some<br />
distance between <strong>the</strong>mselves <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> individuals of <strong>the</strong> past. As Ginzburg argues, <strong>the</strong>y<br />
need to ask questions <strong>and</strong> research history to conceptualize <strong>the</strong> era or person in question.<br />
Taking <strong>the</strong> example of Rosa Parks’ act of resistance, my students simply do not grasp that<br />
Rosa Parks lived in a different time, place <strong>and</strong> set of historical circumstances than <strong>the</strong>y<br />
presently do. By encouraging students to keep some historical distance, <strong>the</strong>y are able to<br />
more accurately discern <strong>the</strong>ir own historical circumstances <strong>and</strong> why <strong>the</strong>y could act in a<br />
certain way, <strong>and</strong> how in Parks’ historical circumstances, her actions were courageous.<br />
3 Carlo Ginzburg, The Cheese <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Worms (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976), xxiii.<br />
63
Paradoxically, students need to connect personally with history, relate to <strong>the</strong><br />
individuals studied, but simultaneously recognize that <strong>the</strong>y live in a different era <strong>and</strong><br />
geographic space that cannot be realistically recreated, or understood in present-day<br />
terms. This is <strong>the</strong> constant struggle for both <strong>the</strong> student <strong>and</strong> scholar of history. In an era<br />
of teenage self-importance, “interest in <strong>the</strong> past is nei<strong>the</strong>r innate nor automatic. If<br />
students are to learn about—or from—past occurrences, <strong>the</strong>y must have personal reasons<br />
for doing so.” 4 Lessons designed for students to engage in historical imagination have a<br />
place in history pedagogy, <strong>and</strong> are rooted in historical documentation. Evidence suggests<br />
that learners who develop <strong>and</strong> practice habits of cognitively <strong>and</strong> emotionally engaging in<br />
primary sources perform better whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> domain is language arts, <strong>social</strong> studies, or<br />
science, <strong>and</strong> whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> grade level is upper elementary or high school. 5 Having<br />
students contemplate word or thought bubbles for individuals in photographs, pretending<br />
to be <strong>the</strong> historical individual in a photograph, or organize events depicted in primary<br />
sources based on order of importance for a movement, can encourage students to<br />
conceptualize history. These strategies, found in <strong>the</strong> Model Lesson Plans section of <strong>the</strong><br />
Appendix under Document Strategies allow students to actively enter into <strong>the</strong> history in<br />
question. Although <strong>the</strong>se lessons in <strong>the</strong> Appendix may encourage presentism by<br />
suggesting that students can imagine how people in <strong>the</strong> past thought <strong>and</strong> behaved based<br />
on <strong>the</strong>ir own experiences, it is an important starting point when introducing a lesson,<br />
document, event or historical concept. This strategy allows <strong>the</strong> student to start to observe<br />
4 Nancy Comstock Webster Miller <strong>and</strong> Pamela Hronek, et, al. Doorways to Thinking: Decision-Making<br />
Episodes for <strong>the</strong> Study of History <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Humanities vol 1 (Tucson, Arizona: Zephyr Press, 1995), 2.<br />
5 Lauren B. Goldenberg <strong>and</strong> Bill Tally “Fostering Historical Thinking with Digitized Primary Sources” in<br />
International Society for Technology in Education (2005), 1<br />
64
asic elements of a document of photograph. They are encouraged to recognize <strong>the</strong><br />
diction in a speech, <strong>the</strong> facial expressions of individuals in a photograph, what is<br />
happening in <strong>the</strong> background <strong>and</strong> to draw conclusions based on <strong>the</strong> details that <strong>the</strong>y<br />
notice. The next step is to encourage students to place those observations in <strong>the</strong> historical<br />
context of <strong>the</strong> era. Connecting levels of questions (Historical Analysis Tools) promotes<br />
students to incorporate in-depth historical thinking. The levels of questioning include:<br />
Level one, or basic, questioning to level three, or personal beliefs, is <strong>the</strong> first step in <strong>the</strong><br />
historical process, leading to level two, or higher level questioning.<br />
One effective strategy of fostering historical imagination outlined by Sam<br />
Wineburg is “simulating an interpsychic process intrapsychically,” or mock reading. 6<br />
Before reading <strong>the</strong> primary document, students find a partner <strong>and</strong> read <strong>the</strong> document in<br />
t<strong>and</strong>em. This activity can be done with any document found in <strong>the</strong> Historical Primary<br />
Sources section of <strong>the</strong> Appendix. One individual reads <strong>the</strong> document verbatim, while <strong>the</strong><br />
o<strong>the</strong>r individual plays <strong>the</strong> role of <strong>the</strong> “mock reader,” one who notes <strong>the</strong> rhetorical devices<br />
in <strong>the</strong> document <strong>and</strong> interprets <strong>the</strong> speech in <strong>the</strong>ir own vernacular. This encourages <strong>the</strong><br />
students to contemplate <strong>the</strong> author’s intentions within <strong>the</strong> document <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> reaction of<br />
<strong>the</strong> possible audience. In this activity students connect with <strong>the</strong> historical past, but also<br />
bring in <strong>the</strong>ir present emotions, by imagining how <strong>the</strong> author <strong>and</strong> audience felt. This is a<br />
good place to start because it encourages students to use sources beyond <strong>the</strong> textbook,<br />
give voices to historical documents <strong>and</strong> connect with <strong>the</strong> past.<br />
6 Sam Wineburg, Historical Thinking <strong>and</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r Unnatural Acts: Charting <strong>the</strong> Future of teaching <strong>the</strong> Past<br />
(Philadelphia, Temple University Press: 2001), 70.<br />
65
To move beyond modern underst<strong>and</strong>ing, students must learn how to ask <strong>the</strong> right<br />
historical questions. The second step in <strong>the</strong> historical process is to encourage <strong>the</strong> students<br />
to ask <strong>the</strong>mselves questions about an historical source. In a classroom o<strong>the</strong>r than most<br />
science classes, it is not natural for a student to ask <strong>the</strong>mselves a series of questions <strong>and</strong><br />
go about answering <strong>the</strong>m with additional research. This method is often not used in<br />
<strong>social</strong> science classrooms as it could have an adverse effect on <strong>the</strong> st<strong>and</strong>ardized test<br />
results when students are expected to quickly answer historical questions with automatic<br />
responses. In many history classes, students answering lower level knowledge-based<br />
questions posed by <strong>the</strong> teacher to check that students read, or completed <strong>the</strong>ir homework.<br />
In historical imagination activities, <strong>the</strong> teacher’s role becomes more active. They need to<br />
push <strong>the</strong> students to critically think about <strong>the</strong> choices <strong>the</strong>y made in <strong>the</strong>ir historical<br />
reenactment, thought bubble activity or mock reading—“Why did you choose those<br />
words, say it that way, or respond with that face?” To discover <strong>the</strong> answers students in<br />
all likelihood will need to conduct additional research to back up <strong>the</strong>ir assertions. Here, a<br />
short lesson on historical imagination molds into one on research skills, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> coupling<br />
of evidence <strong>and</strong> analysis.<br />
Students do not naturally have <strong>the</strong> ability to ask good historical questions.<br />
Students need to be taught how to ask types of historically <strong>and</strong> contextually-based<br />
questions such as what was occurring historically to influence an individual, group or<br />
event. To model how to ask historical questions about primary sources, it is useful for a<br />
teacher to connect a variety of documents to a few guiding questions. The Appendix<br />
includes a set of guiding questions associated with photographs, interviews, <strong>and</strong> primary<br />
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sources related to <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus boycott (Document Guiding <strong>Question</strong>s, Historical<br />
Resource). The questions <strong>and</strong> documents are labeled by numbers, which will allow<br />
students <strong>and</strong> teachers to see documents organized by <strong>the</strong>matic, or guiding questions. This<br />
encourages students to organize documents toge<strong>the</strong>r, to see how one historical event can<br />
be shown from a variety of different contexts (such as <strong>social</strong>, <strong>economic</strong> or <strong>political</strong>) or<br />
point of views. This additionally extends <strong>the</strong> students underst<strong>and</strong>ing of historical<br />
documents by connecting it with additional evidence.<br />
Web-Based Historical Research<br />
Modern day researching skills require students to become familiar with online<br />
resources. However, <strong>the</strong>re is so much historical information available on <strong>the</strong> World Wide<br />
Web; when asked to locate a primary source, students often find <strong>the</strong>mselves<br />
overwhelmed, ultimately resorting to a basic “Google” search. After typing in a phrase<br />
such as “primary source about <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus boycott” students are inclined to<br />
choose <strong>the</strong> first link that appears <strong>and</strong> use <strong>the</strong> first source <strong>the</strong>y find on that website. This<br />
method of research is also used to find an image, by making <strong>the</strong> simple modification to<br />
an “image” search. I find that students do this quite often on research-based assignments<br />
with <strong>the</strong> result that my students typically include <strong>the</strong> same documents in <strong>the</strong>ir research,<br />
despite differences in research topics or questions. As students progress in <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
education, building historical research skills will give <strong>the</strong>m <strong>the</strong> ability to quickly<br />
distinguish an effective <strong>and</strong> credible website from a less reliable source.<br />
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More fundamentally, students struggle with discerning <strong>the</strong> difference between<br />
primary <strong>and</strong> secondary sources. After eleven years of school, many students might have<br />
<strong>the</strong> ability to tell a teacher that a primary source is a source produced at <strong>the</strong> specific time<br />
period in question, or an account produced by someone who was a historical participant<br />
or observer. However, students struggle when tasked with finding <strong>the</strong>ir own primary<br />
sources, or a variety of different types of primary sources or artifacts, as well as<br />
interpreting <strong>the</strong> source’s significance.<br />
The purpose of <strong>the</strong> Web Quest (Lesson Plans), is to have students practice <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
online primary source researching skills, using credible <strong>and</strong> reliable websites as models.<br />
Each of <strong>the</strong> websites on <strong>the</strong> web quest is an effective model of web-based primary source<br />
research. Students can peruse <strong>the</strong>se sites to gain an idea of what makes a reliable,<br />
credible website. Each website provides students <strong>and</strong> teachers with easy access to a<br />
variety of newspaper articles, photographs, <strong>political</strong> cartoons, <strong>and</strong> interviews with limited<br />
commercial advertisements. Many of <strong>the</strong> sites include an easy-to-use search engine,<br />
easily identifiable “primary source” sections, <strong>and</strong> provides specific information for each<br />
primary source including creator <strong>and</strong> date. By guiding students to specific websites, <strong>the</strong>y<br />
will be able to identify <strong>the</strong> specific characteristics of a good research-based website.<br />
Once students locate a credible source, based on <strong>the</strong> modeling done in <strong>the</strong> Web<br />
Quest, <strong>the</strong>y need to be able to analyze <strong>the</strong> significance of <strong>the</strong> source. Often a student will<br />
include primary resources that do not match <strong>the</strong>ir research goals merely to reach <strong>the</strong><br />
teacher’s research requirement. In order to teach students to select appropriate sources,<br />
Web Quest prompts <strong>the</strong>m with specific questions such as: “What is <strong>the</strong> document about?”<br />
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“Who produced it?” “Why type of document is it?” These level one questions (Three<br />
Levels of <strong>Question</strong>ing worksheet, Historical Analysis Tools) encourage <strong>the</strong> students to<br />
engage in <strong>the</strong> act of “sourcing” a document, <strong>the</strong> basic form of historical analysis,<br />
something students do not think about doing. If a student’s primary resources do not<br />
match <strong>the</strong>ir research goals, <strong>the</strong>y are inclined to include <strong>the</strong> document despite this fact, to<br />
reach <strong>the</strong> teacher’s research requirement. However, when forced to answer <strong>the</strong>se<br />
questions repetitively, students will soon not need prompting by <strong>the</strong> teacher to ask <strong>the</strong>se<br />
questions, <strong>the</strong>y will become quick <strong>and</strong> automatic. Once students respond to <strong>the</strong> level one<br />
question, <strong>the</strong>y need to answer several level two questions in order to gain a complete<br />
underst<strong>and</strong>ing of <strong>the</strong> document. These questions include: “Why do you think this<br />
document was produced?” “What is <strong>the</strong> goal of <strong>the</strong> document?” “How do you know?”<br />
These level two questions help <strong>the</strong> students to underst<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> specific historical<br />
circumstances that produced <strong>the</strong> document. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong> Web Quest asks students to<br />
justify <strong>the</strong>ir answers by drawing out specific information from <strong>the</strong>ir sources. This can<br />
include summarizing <strong>the</strong> text, quoting <strong>the</strong> text, or analyzing symbols found in images.<br />
Finding a source often leads <strong>the</strong> researcher to conduct more research. This is a concept<br />
lost on most students who want instant gratification. These level two questions remind<br />
students that <strong>the</strong>y may need to conduct fur<strong>the</strong>r research <strong>and</strong> to ask <strong>the</strong>mselves additional<br />
questions. For example, if students find a photograph of a “church taxi” funded by <strong>the</strong><br />
black churches in Montgomery to aid in avoiding buses, students should model <strong>the</strong> level<br />
of questioning to pose addition questions such as: Did <strong>the</strong> church encounter problems<br />
69
with local authorities over this solution? How did <strong>the</strong> church fund <strong>the</strong>se taxis? How did<br />
people know how to access this new form of transportation?<br />
Performance Assessments<br />
Yearly st<strong>and</strong>ardized tests emphasize students’ abilities in factual learning. In<br />
history, assessments test student knowledge of major causes, effects, names of key wars<br />
<strong>and</strong> specific individuals who shaped <strong>the</strong> history tested. Teachers may cover <strong>the</strong> entire<br />
curriculum needed to perform well on a st<strong>and</strong>ardized test given by <strong>the</strong> state or designed<br />
by <strong>the</strong> teacher. Yet, covering <strong>the</strong> information does not necessarily mean that students<br />
have learned, or underst<strong>and</strong> history. An alternative to this type of routine fact-based<br />
testing are “performance assessments,” in which students do “or produce something.” 7<br />
Performance assessments prove to <strong>the</strong> teacher that <strong>the</strong> student now only knows what<br />
happened historically, <strong>the</strong>y are able to research, analyze <strong>and</strong> evaluate historical<br />
significance. No longer do Americans live in an era dependent on memorization. Long<br />
gone are <strong>the</strong> days of memorizing phone numbers <strong>and</strong> important dates. The same is<br />
applied to history. With a few keystrokes on a phone, iPad or computer, one can pull up<br />
a quick reference giving as much historical detail as needed or wanted. Thinking like a<br />
historian, however, requires students to know how to research <strong>and</strong> evaluate sources, see<br />
<strong>the</strong> big picture <strong>and</strong> place a value on decisions of <strong>the</strong> past. Several elements of <strong>the</strong><br />
Appendix provide methods for teaching students to analyze <strong>the</strong> historical big picture<br />
(Document-Based <strong>Question</strong> <strong>and</strong> Student Guide, Document Guiding <strong>Question</strong>s, Historical<br />
7 Jere Brophy ed. Advances in Research on Teaching: Teaching <strong>and</strong> Learning History vol. 6, (Greenwich,<br />
Connecticut: Jai Press, Inc, 1996), 222<br />
70
Analysis Tools). As Sam Wineburg states, “Historians know . . . how to be a citizen in a<br />
cacophonous democracy.” 8 Although not deeply connected with st<strong>and</strong>ardized testing<br />
skills, performance assessments encourage a historical skill base <strong>and</strong> ultimately should<br />
result in deeper memorization as students actually do something with <strong>the</strong> history <strong>the</strong>y<br />
learn. These are skills that <strong>the</strong>y will carry with <strong>the</strong>m <strong>the</strong> rest of <strong>the</strong>ir civic lives.<br />
An overarching goal of history education is for students to find <strong>the</strong>ir own<br />
historical artifacts, or primary sources, connect those sources to a variety of o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
historical events <strong>and</strong> people, <strong>and</strong> interpret <strong>the</strong> specific causes <strong>and</strong> effects of that primary<br />
source. Teaching researching skills in a history classroom is not only part of <strong>the</strong><br />
Common Core St<strong>and</strong>ards, it is also a skill students can transfer to o<strong>the</strong>r aspects of <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
civic lives. These skills, when used later in life, can help adults find reputable sources to<br />
determine how to vote, influence legislation, <strong>and</strong> evaluate information. Students today<br />
have a previously unknown level of access to primary sources through websites run by<br />
<strong>the</strong> Library of Congress, National Archives, countless universities, nonprofits,<br />
presidential websites <strong>and</strong> museums that make pictures, census data, court records <strong>and</strong><br />
personal papers available to students with <strong>the</strong> click of <strong>the</strong> mouse. The problem, outlined<br />
in <strong>the</strong> previous section, “Web-Based Historical Research,” is how to find sources<br />
appropriate for a given historical problem or question. After learning how to conduct<br />
historical primary source research in a computer lab with <strong>the</strong> aid of <strong>the</strong> teacher, students<br />
8 Peter Carlson “Interview: Sam Wineburg, Critic of History Education” in American History (December<br />
2011) 28-29, 29.<br />
71
are able to attempt to complete <strong>the</strong>ir own primary source research individually or in small<br />
groups.<br />
Research outside of <strong>the</strong> classroom using <strong>the</strong>se historical databases allows <strong>the</strong><br />
student to think outside of <strong>the</strong> textbook, connect with real voices of <strong>the</strong> past <strong>and</strong> consider<br />
<strong>the</strong> complexity of <strong>the</strong> lives of individuals who lived through different times.<br />
Additionally, education in general asks students largely to learn how to think critically<br />
<strong>and</strong> to do so independently. By completing a historical project, such as <strong>the</strong> Museum<br />
Project (Appendix), in which students choose <strong>the</strong>ir own primary documents to create a<br />
narrative about an event, students “own” a part of history <strong>and</strong> are able to connect with it<br />
historically. However, asking students simply to ga<strong>the</strong>r primary sources will create a<br />
mess for a teacher to grade, most accurately because students have a tendency to print out<br />
<strong>the</strong> first photograph, <strong>political</strong> cartoon or speech that Google responded with.<br />
A popular tool for performance-based assessments in history is <strong>the</strong> Document<br />
Based <strong>Question</strong> (DBQ), (Appendix: Model Lesson Plans). This is a tool that started in<br />
Advanced Placement history classes <strong>and</strong> has been adapted to <strong>the</strong> general history<br />
classroom. The DBQ includes a high-level thinking question <strong>and</strong> a variety of documents.<br />
Students are tasked with answering <strong>the</strong> question using a variety of <strong>the</strong> documents in <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
answer as evidence. Students are additionally graded on <strong>the</strong>ir use of information not<br />
presented in <strong>the</strong> documents. This is most often done as a summative assessment after<br />
students have studied a unit or event <strong>and</strong> been exposed to a variety of primary source<br />
materials from that era <strong>and</strong> responded to historical questions.<br />
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The flexibility of <strong>the</strong> DBQ method – it can be answered in a variety of ways –<br />
gives <strong>the</strong> students <strong>the</strong> optimum chance to excel. The DBQ found in <strong>the</strong> Appendix poses<br />
<strong>the</strong> historical question, “Was <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus boycott successful?” <strong>and</strong> allows<br />
students to answer it in terms of <strong>economic</strong>, <strong>political</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>social</strong> success; by focusing on<br />
<strong>the</strong> events prior to <strong>the</strong> boycott; focusing on religious or even gender influences on <strong>the</strong><br />
event. With a DBQ students prove what <strong>the</strong>y know <strong>and</strong> requires <strong>the</strong>m to analyze primary<br />
documents <strong>and</strong> group events <strong>and</strong> documents toge<strong>the</strong>r to present a greater meaning.<br />
Practicing evaluating information in a DBQ format is ano<strong>the</strong>r way to practice not only<br />
historical thinking, but also critical thinking-<strong>the</strong> ability to evaluate information <strong>and</strong><br />
problem solve independently.<br />
Conclusion<br />
History is not simply about retaining information. History is about evaluation,<br />
argument, analysis, <strong>and</strong> inquiry. Teaching history one era at a time, without <strong>the</strong> use of<br />
historical questioning or research is simply not teaching history, it is teaching<br />
information. History is a skill-based discipline that instructs students on how to process,<br />
find <strong>and</strong> evaluate information about historical people, eras <strong>and</strong> events. Under current<br />
California content history st<strong>and</strong>ards teachers find <strong>the</strong>mselves rushed to present historical<br />
information, often neglecting <strong>the</strong> overarching critical thinking goals of history. Teaching<br />
<strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus boycott in depth by using <strong>the</strong> methods presented in this project,<br />
allows <strong>the</strong> students to both learn historical material <strong>and</strong> exercise historical thinking skills.<br />
Educational scholar Daniel Wick argues for teachers to remember depth, not necessarily<br />
73
eadth in <strong>the</strong>ir pedagogy: “It is impossible for a student to reason critically concerning<br />
something about which he knows nothing.” 9<br />
The role of <strong>the</strong> history educator is an important one. As Raymond Nickerson<br />
argues, “To fail to develop one’s potential in [critical thinking] is to preclude <strong>the</strong> full<br />
expression of one’s humanity.” 10 Teaching writing, reading, <strong>and</strong> research skills are not<br />
<strong>the</strong> sole property of language arts educators just as education <strong>and</strong> critical thinking does<br />
not stop once one graduates. American citizens have <strong>the</strong> civic obligation to evaluate <strong>the</strong><br />
past <strong>and</strong> present in order to make decisions about <strong>the</strong> future. As teachers in classrooms<br />
across <strong>the</strong> country witness on a daily basis, some students have <strong>the</strong> natural ability to<br />
question history or <strong>the</strong> facts presented to <strong>the</strong>m. However, teachers cannot rely on<br />
students to learn how to develop questions individually. The role of <strong>the</strong> history educator<br />
is to model how to ask <strong>the</strong> right historical questions, present <strong>the</strong>ir students with a variety<br />
of primary documents that offer differing perspectives <strong>and</strong> teach students how to do <strong>the</strong><br />
same independently. When <strong>the</strong>se skills are cultivated in classrooms students will have<br />
<strong>the</strong> ability to find a deeper meaning <strong>and</strong> appreciation for history <strong>and</strong> its importance in<br />
American society.<br />
9 Daniel Wick, “In Defense of Knowledge: An Intellectual Framework for General Education.” in Change:<br />
The Magazine for Higher Learning vol. 13(6) 1981, 8-9.<br />
10 Raymond S. Nickerson, “Why Teach Thinking?” in Teaching Thinking Skills: Theory <strong>and</strong> Practice, ed.<br />
Joan Boykoff Baron <strong>and</strong> Robert J. Sternberg, (New York: W.H. Freeman <strong>and</strong> Co, 1987), 32.<br />
74
Forward<br />
APPENDIX A. TEACHING APPLICATION<br />
This resource Appendix is meant to be used in <strong>social</strong> studies classrooms for grades 7-12.<br />
Parts of <strong>the</strong> Appendix apply to California History-Social Science Content St<strong>and</strong>ards:<br />
Kindergarten K.6.1; Third grade 3.4.6; Eleventh grade 11.10; Twelfth grade 12.5.4. The<br />
chief purpose of this Appendix is to help teachers present a thorough history of <strong>the</strong> causes<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus boycott, <strong>and</strong> to teach students to analyze historical cause <strong>and</strong><br />
effect. Included in this Appendix are: Model lesson plans, primary sources (photographs<br />
<strong>and</strong> documents), guiding questions for <strong>the</strong> sources, oral history interviews with guiding<br />
questions, a culminating research project <strong>and</strong> a document-based question essay with a<br />
teacher’s <strong>and</strong> a student’s guide. To help <strong>the</strong> teacher gain additional background<br />
knowledge on <strong>the</strong> subject of <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus boycott <strong>the</strong>re is a background essay<br />
<strong>and</strong> two historical reference tables on terms <strong>and</strong> key individuals.<br />
The purpose of this Appendix is to model for teachers how to teach students to take an indepth<br />
look at an historical event. The focus of <strong>the</strong> Appendix is engaging students in<br />
asking <strong>and</strong> answering historically based critical thinking questions. Major historical<br />
events like <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus boycott do not just automatically occur. When teaching<br />
<strong>the</strong> civil rights movement it is important for students to underst<strong>and</strong> that lacking basic<br />
rights was not enough for a community of people to organize a mass protest. In order to<br />
underst<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> importance of major historical events students need to underst<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
myriad <strong>factors</strong> that aided in mass mobilization including: why black citizens of<br />
Montgomery were ready for a boycott in 1955, why Rosa Parks garnered mass attention<br />
after her arrest, why <strong>and</strong> how <strong>the</strong> boycott lasted for over a year. Gaining a thorough<br />
underst<strong>and</strong>ing of historical causation is a skill that once mastered with this unit, students<br />
can apply to future history lessons.<br />
There are a variety of ways to scaffold <strong>the</strong> activities found in this Appendix. If students<br />
do not have much practice with primary source analysis, specific tools such as “SOAPS,”<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> “Analysis Worksheets” should be used with students prior to asking students to<br />
engage in one of <strong>the</strong> “Document Strategies/Activities.” These analysis worksheets ask<br />
<strong>the</strong> student to analyze small details about a source that aid in student comprehension <strong>and</strong><br />
get <strong>the</strong> student to become familiar with <strong>the</strong> source. If a class is advanced, <strong>the</strong> teacher can<br />
have <strong>the</strong> students engage in one of <strong>the</strong> suggested strategies or activities. These are<br />
designed for <strong>the</strong> student to connect with <strong>the</strong> period, events, <strong>and</strong> people involved. Many<br />
activities ask <strong>the</strong> students to imagine what it would be like to live in that period <strong>and</strong> to<br />
have first-h<strong>and</strong> experience of <strong>the</strong> events studied. These activities ask <strong>the</strong> students to have<br />
some historical imagination. This is effective in gaining a student’s interest in <strong>the</strong><br />
subject. However, a student should have a thorough knowledge of <strong>the</strong> subject prior to<br />
<strong>the</strong>se activities. Without background knowledge a student may not take <strong>the</strong> activity<br />
seriously, or know how to imagine <strong>the</strong> source as it existed when it was produced.<br />
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Primary sources are windows into <strong>the</strong> past. In order to gain an in-depth perspective on<br />
<strong>the</strong> source it is important for students to learn how to analyze a variety of sources. This<br />
Appendix includes images, documents, <strong>and</strong> interviews. The document worksheets <strong>and</strong><br />
activities help <strong>the</strong> student engage with <strong>the</strong> source. In order to teach <strong>the</strong> students to think<br />
critically about <strong>the</strong> source, <strong>the</strong> teacher should next ask <strong>the</strong> students one of <strong>the</strong> guiding<br />
questions associated with <strong>the</strong> source. These guiding questions act as a model for asking<br />
historically based critical thinking questions. As <strong>the</strong> teacher progresses into <strong>the</strong> critical<br />
thinking questions, <strong>the</strong>y should ask <strong>the</strong> students to analyze two or three sources toge<strong>the</strong>r,<br />
with <strong>the</strong> same question. This strategy will help students see a variety of historical<br />
perspectives on <strong>the</strong> same event <strong>and</strong> reveal <strong>the</strong> complexity of <strong>the</strong> movement. After<br />
enough practice, students should be able to ask <strong>the</strong>ir own level two questions (from <strong>the</strong><br />
“Three Levels of <strong>Question</strong>ing Guide”).<br />
The two summative assessments in <strong>the</strong> binder, <strong>the</strong> DBQ <strong>and</strong> Museum Activity assess<br />
student underst<strong>and</strong>ing of <strong>the</strong> unit, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir primary source analysis skills. The museum<br />
project assesses a student’s ability to research independently <strong>and</strong> analyze primary sources<br />
<strong>the</strong>y ga<strong>the</strong>r. By completing a historical project, such as <strong>the</strong> Museum Project in which<br />
students choose <strong>the</strong>ir own primary documents to create a narrative about an event,<br />
students “own” a part of history <strong>and</strong> are able to connect with it on a higher, historical<br />
level.<br />
The flexibility of <strong>the</strong> DBQ method – it can be answered in a variety of ways – gives <strong>the</strong><br />
students <strong>the</strong> optimum chance to excel. The DBQ found in <strong>the</strong> Appendix poses <strong>the</strong><br />
historical question, “Was <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus boycott successful?” <strong>and</strong> allows students<br />
to answer it in terms of <strong>economic</strong>, <strong>political</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>social</strong> success; by focusing on <strong>the</strong> events<br />
prior to <strong>the</strong> boycott; focusing on religious or even gender influences on <strong>the</strong> event. With a<br />
DBQ students prove what <strong>the</strong>y know <strong>and</strong> requires <strong>the</strong>m to analyze primary documents<br />
<strong>and</strong> group events <strong>and</strong> documents toge<strong>the</strong>r to present a greater meaning. Practicing<br />
evaluating information in a DBQ format is ano<strong>the</strong>r way to practice not only historical<br />
thinking, but also critical thinking-<strong>the</strong> ability to evaluate information <strong>and</strong> problem solve<br />
independently.<br />
The overall goal of this Appendix is to make teaching document analysis <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Montgomery bus boycott more accessible to teachers. Please use <strong>the</strong> whole Appendix, or<br />
just bits <strong>and</strong> pieces. Use what works for your students <strong>and</strong> for you as a teacher.<br />
76
Web Quest<br />
Common Core St<strong>and</strong>ard Research 7<br />
Model Lesson Plans<br />
Student Research Web-Quest—Use <strong>the</strong> following websites for your Web Quest<br />
http://www.montgomeryboycott.com/<br />
http://mlk-kpp01.stanford.edu/index.php/<br />
http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/eyeson<strong>the</strong>prize/index.html<br />
http://encyclopediaofalabama.org/face/Home.jsp<br />
http://www.loc.gov/index.html<br />
http://www.sites.si.edu/exhibitions/381.pdf<br />
Please find one primary document produced by <strong>the</strong> Women’s Political Council. Print it<br />
out, <strong>and</strong> attach it to this worksheet.<br />
1. Describe this document. What is this document about? Who produced it? What<br />
type of document is it?<br />
2. Why do you think this document was produced? What is <strong>the</strong> goal of <strong>the</strong><br />
document? How do you know?<br />
Please find one primary document relating to Rosa Parks. Print it out, <strong>and</strong> attach it to this<br />
worksheet.<br />
3. Describe this document. What is this document about? Who produced it? What<br />
type of document is it?<br />
4. Why do you think this document was produced? What is <strong>the</strong> goal of <strong>the</strong><br />
document? How do you know?<br />
77
Please find one primary document relating to <strong>the</strong> Montgomery Improvement Association<br />
(1955-1956). Print it out, <strong>and</strong> attach it to this worksheet.<br />
5. Describe this document. What is this document about? Who produced it? What<br />
type of document is it?<br />
6. Why do you think this document was produced? What is <strong>the</strong> goal of <strong>the</strong><br />
document? How do you know?<br />
Please find one primary document relating to <strong>the</strong> Browder v. Gayle case. Print it out, <strong>and</strong><br />
attach it to this worksheet.<br />
7. Describe this document. What is this document about? Who produced it? What<br />
type of document is it?<br />
8. Why do you think this document was produced? What is <strong>the</strong> goal of <strong>the</strong><br />
document? How do you know?<br />
78
Activities/Lessons for Images<br />
Common Core St<strong>and</strong>ard Key Ideas <strong>and</strong> Details #1<br />
1. Thought/Word Bubbles<br />
a. Show <strong>the</strong> students an image with one individual, or a group of individuals<br />
b. If teacher is introducing someone new, <strong>the</strong>y can have <strong>the</strong> students place<br />
word or thoughts into <strong>the</strong> individuals in <strong>the</strong> images without any<br />
background knowledge. This will encourage <strong>the</strong> students critically to<br />
think about <strong>the</strong> image <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> people in it. Where are <strong>the</strong>y? What are<br />
<strong>the</strong>y doing? Why are <strong>the</strong>y doing this? How do <strong>the</strong>y feel about what is<br />
happening in <strong>the</strong> picture?<br />
c. The teacher can also show <strong>the</strong> image after teaching a concept or an event<br />
<strong>and</strong> have <strong>the</strong> students place words or thoughts into <strong>the</strong> historical<br />
individuals based on <strong>the</strong>ir new knowledge. Students can also complete <strong>the</strong><br />
activity twice—once prior to <strong>the</strong> lesson, <strong>and</strong> once after. This will show<br />
<strong>the</strong> teacher what <strong>the</strong> students learned about <strong>the</strong> topic, <strong>and</strong> again, encourage<br />
<strong>the</strong>m critically to think about <strong>the</strong> people in <strong>the</strong> photographs.<br />
The following activities work on students building <strong>the</strong>ir prior knowledge in <strong>the</strong> subject<br />
area while also teaching students to think historically. Teachers can ei<strong>the</strong>r frontload<br />
students with information from <strong>the</strong> unit (by using <strong>the</strong> PowerPoint, Interviews, Boycott<br />
Essay, Documents <strong>and</strong>/or Reference Terms), or teachers can give <strong>the</strong> students historical<br />
information after <strong>the</strong> lesson/activity. Giving students <strong>the</strong> information afterward will give<br />
students a choice to compare <strong>the</strong>ir analysis with <strong>the</strong> teacher’s analysis. This can be<br />
effective modeling as <strong>the</strong> students can review <strong>the</strong>ir historical though processes. It is<br />
recommended to have a combination of <strong>the</strong> methods.<br />
2. Chronological Order<br />
a. Students should be given a variety of images, at least five. This is a good<br />
lesson for <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> unit or after teaching an event. Instruct <strong>the</strong><br />
students to place <strong>the</strong> photographs in chronological order. This should be<br />
done in a group so that students can actively discuss <strong>the</strong>ir decisions. Once<br />
<strong>the</strong> students believe <strong>the</strong>y have placed <strong>the</strong> images in chronological order,<br />
<strong>the</strong>y must explain what is going on <strong>the</strong> image, background information for<br />
<strong>the</strong> image <strong>and</strong> why <strong>the</strong>y believe it is placed where it is. How do <strong>the</strong>y<br />
know it goes before one event, <strong>and</strong>/or after ano<strong>the</strong>r?<br />
3. Newspaper/Newscast Reporter<br />
a. H<strong>and</strong> out a different photograph to a group of students (2-4). Have one or<br />
two students in <strong>the</strong> group take on <strong>the</strong> role of a reporter (ei<strong>the</strong>r from a<br />
newspaper, talk show or newscast), <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r students can ei<strong>the</strong>r be<br />
witnesses of what was going on in <strong>the</strong> photo, or individuals in <strong>the</strong> photo<br />
79
<strong>the</strong>mselves. The students must come up with interview questions <strong>and</strong><br />
answers to <strong>the</strong> questions. There must be four level one questions (Who is<br />
participating, where are you? ), <strong>and</strong> answers, three level two questions<br />
(Why are you <strong>the</strong>re, what do you hope to happen?) <strong>and</strong> answers <strong>and</strong> one<br />
level three question (What would you change about what is going on?) <strong>and</strong><br />
answer. At <strong>the</strong> end of class students must project <strong>the</strong>ir image to <strong>the</strong> class<br />
<strong>and</strong> present <strong>the</strong>ir interview.<br />
4. Historical Reenactment<br />
a. This activity can be done individually, or in a group up to five.<br />
b. H<strong>and</strong> out a different photograph to <strong>the</strong> groups/individuals. The students<br />
must decide what happened immediately prior to, during <strong>and</strong> immediately<br />
after <strong>the</strong> photograph. Students will write three paragraphs for <strong>the</strong><br />
photograph (what happened prior to <strong>the</strong> photo, during <strong>and</strong> after) with<br />
analysis on why <strong>the</strong>y believe those assumptions to be true. After <strong>the</strong><br />
writing, have <strong>the</strong> students act out <strong>the</strong> before, during <strong>and</strong> after of <strong>the</strong><br />
photograph with appropriate dialog.<br />
c. For extra credit have students research what happened in <strong>the</strong> moments<br />
prior to, during <strong>and</strong> after <strong>the</strong> photograph.<br />
80
Document Strategies/Activities<br />
Common Core St<strong>and</strong>ard Key Ideas <strong>and</strong> Details #1<br />
**Students should use information from <strong>the</strong>ir Web Quest, Background Essay, Images,<br />
Reference Terms <strong>and</strong>/or Interviews to aid <strong>the</strong>m in <strong>the</strong>se document analysis activities.**<br />
1. SOAPS<br />
Have <strong>the</strong> students complete a SOAPS chart for a specific document<br />
1. Speaker<br />
o Who is <strong>the</strong> speaker who produced this piece? What is <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
background <strong>and</strong> why are <strong>the</strong>y making <strong>the</strong> points <strong>the</strong>y are making? Is<br />
<strong>the</strong>re a bias in what was written?<br />
2. Occasion<br />
o What is <strong>the</strong> Occasion? The time <strong>and</strong> place of <strong>the</strong> piece. What<br />
promoted <strong>the</strong> author to write this piece? What event led to its<br />
publication or development? It is particularly important that students<br />
underst<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> context that encouraged <strong>the</strong> writing to happen.<br />
3. Audience<br />
o Who is <strong>the</strong> Audience? The group of readers to whom this piece is<br />
directed. The audience may be one person, a small group or a large<br />
group; it may be a certain person or a certain people. What<br />
assumptions can you make about <strong>the</strong> audience? Is it mixed racial/sex<br />
group? What <strong>social</strong> class? Political party? Who was <strong>the</strong> document<br />
created for? Are <strong>the</strong>re any words or phrases that are unusual or<br />
different? Does <strong>the</strong> speaker use language <strong>the</strong> specific for a unique<br />
audience? Does he speaker evoke God? Nation? Liberty? History?<br />
Hell? Does <strong>the</strong> speaker allude to classical <strong>the</strong>mes: <strong>the</strong> Fates, <strong>the</strong><br />
Classical, Pericles, Caesar? Why is <strong>the</strong> speaker using this type of<br />
language?<br />
4. Purpose<br />
o What is <strong>the</strong> purpose? The reason behind <strong>the</strong> text. In what ways does he<br />
convey this message? How would you perceive <strong>the</strong> speaker giving this<br />
speech? What is <strong>the</strong> document saying? What is <strong>the</strong> emotional state of<br />
<strong>the</strong> speaker? How is <strong>the</strong> speaker trying to spark a reaction in <strong>the</strong><br />
audience? What words or phrases show <strong>the</strong> speaker’s tone? How is <strong>the</strong><br />
document supposed to make you feel? This helps you examine <strong>the</strong><br />
argument or its logic.<br />
5. Subject<br />
o What is <strong>the</strong> subject of <strong>the</strong> document? The general topic, content, <strong>and</strong><br />
ideas contained in <strong>the</strong> text. How do you know this? How has <strong>the</strong><br />
subject been selected <strong>and</strong> presented? And presented by <strong>the</strong> author?<br />
81
2. Order of Importance<br />
a. Ga<strong>the</strong>r a group of documents toge<strong>the</strong>r that are related under <strong>the</strong> same topic<br />
ie: Civil Rights Movement, but represent different people or events.<br />
b. Have <strong>the</strong> students put <strong>the</strong> documents in order of importance, <strong>and</strong> explain<br />
why <strong>the</strong>y chose that order—which event sparked <strong>the</strong> most controversy,<br />
which person is <strong>the</strong> stronger civil rights leader, which event contributed<br />
most for <strong>the</strong> need to have a campaign in Birmingham? etc.<br />
3. Document Chronological Blackout<br />
a. Same as “Order of Importance” but black out dates on <strong>the</strong> documents <strong>and</strong><br />
have <strong>the</strong> students hypo<strong>the</strong>size <strong>the</strong> date, which can be as specific as <strong>the</strong><br />
teacher wants<br />
b. Have <strong>the</strong> students explain why <strong>the</strong>y think that document is that date, <strong>and</strong><br />
have <strong>the</strong> students place <strong>the</strong> documents in chronological order<br />
c. Discuss <strong>the</strong> documents <strong>and</strong> reveal <strong>the</strong> true information at <strong>the</strong> end of class.<br />
4. Document Information Blackout<br />
a. Same as “Order of Importance” but black out key words on <strong>the</strong> documents<br />
<strong>and</strong> have <strong>the</strong> students hypo<strong>the</strong>size which event, person etc. <strong>the</strong> document<br />
is talking about.<br />
b. Have <strong>the</strong> students explain why <strong>the</strong>y think that document is referring to that<br />
event or person.<br />
c. Discuss <strong>the</strong> documents <strong>and</strong> reveal <strong>the</strong> true information at <strong>the</strong> end of class.<br />
5. Basic Document Analysis <strong>Question</strong>s<br />
a. List three things <strong>the</strong> author said that you think are important.<br />
b. Why do you think this document was written?<br />
c. What evidence in <strong>the</strong> document helps you know why it was written?<br />
Quote from <strong>the</strong> document.<br />
d. List two things <strong>the</strong> document tells you about life in <strong>the</strong> United States at <strong>the</strong><br />
time it was written.<br />
e. Write a question to <strong>the</strong> author that is left unanswered by <strong>the</strong> document.<br />
6. Response to Newspaper Articles<br />
a. After reading a newspaper article, have <strong>the</strong> students examine <strong>the</strong> basic<br />
information of <strong>the</strong> articles, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> point of view, if <strong>the</strong>re is one.<br />
b. Have <strong>the</strong> students take on a specific persona, real or made-up. Based on<br />
that person, have <strong>the</strong> students write an opinion letter to <strong>the</strong> articles<br />
stating—how <strong>the</strong>y feel about <strong>the</strong> article or focus of <strong>the</strong> article <strong>and</strong> why.<br />
This should be persuasive.<br />
82
Montgomery Bus Boycott PowerPoint Presentation<br />
Slide 1<br />
Slide 2<br />
Slide 3<br />
The Montgomery Bus Boycott<br />
Please take out a sheet of paper<br />
Opener <strong>Question</strong><br />
• “Three years later, in 1952, a white bus driver <strong>and</strong> a Negro man<br />
exchanged words over <strong>the</strong> dime <strong>the</strong> passenger put into <strong>the</strong> slot.<br />
The Negro man, Brooks, was not afraid, for he had been<br />
drinking. He never quavered when <strong>the</strong> driver abused him with<br />
words <strong>and</strong> accused him of not putting <strong>the</strong> money into <strong>the</strong> meter<br />
box of <strong>the</strong> bus. Instead, he stood his ground <strong>and</strong> disputed <strong>the</strong><br />
driver. The drink gave him confidence to st<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>re, <strong>and</strong> to sit<br />
down <strong>and</strong> to talk back in his own defense. What followed was<br />
never explained fully, but <strong>the</strong> driver called <strong>the</strong> police, <strong>and</strong> when<br />
<strong>the</strong> police came <strong>the</strong>y shot <strong>and</strong> killed Brooks as he got off <strong>the</strong><br />
bus.” (Robinson, 21)<br />
• Why would it take several decades of abuse to organize a<br />
boycott? What do you think are obstacles to launching a<br />
boycott? How do you overcome those obstacles?<br />
Conditions for a Boycott<br />
• Montgomery had <strong>the</strong> most severe<br />
bus laws<br />
– Blacks pay up front, get off, get on in<br />
<strong>the</strong> back<br />
– Drivers had <strong>the</strong> authority to call police<br />
to arrest passengers at will<br />
• Reports of drivers leaving black<br />
passengers once <strong>the</strong>y paid, not<br />
stopping to pick <strong>the</strong>m up or<br />
dropping <strong>the</strong>m off correctly<br />
83
Slide 4<br />
Slide 5<br />
Slide 6<br />
The Women’s Political Council<br />
• Formed in 1947 at Alabama State College<br />
by Mary Fair Burks<br />
• 1950 Taken over by Jo Ann Robinson<br />
• Sent letters to bus companies, <strong>the</strong> mayor,<br />
NAACP <strong>and</strong> local black men’s <strong>political</strong><br />
organizations<br />
• Argued for a boycott in 1953, was <strong>the</strong> first<br />
group to organize a boycott after Parks’<br />
arrest<br />
Claudette Colvin<br />
• Student<br />
• Worked on an essay on “The<br />
Injustice of Discrimination” on<br />
<strong>the</strong> day she was arrested for<br />
refusing to move for a white<br />
man.<br />
• "It's my constitutional right to sit<br />
here as much as that lady. I<br />
paid my fare, it's my<br />
constitutional right!"<br />
• Left <strong>the</strong> bus “kicking <strong>and</strong><br />
clawing.”<br />
NAACP<br />
• National Association for <strong>the</strong> Advancement of<br />
Colored People<br />
• E.D. Nixon is president of <strong>the</strong> Montgomery<br />
Chapter<br />
– Hesitant to launch a boycott because of<br />
<strong>the</strong> cost in <strong>political</strong> capital<br />
• Rosa Parks was director of <strong>the</strong> Youth<br />
Council<br />
– Claudette Colvin was a member of <strong>the</strong><br />
Youth Council<br />
84
Slide 7<br />
Slide 8<br />
Slide 9<br />
E. D. Nixon<br />
• The case of Louise Smith. I found her daddy in front of <strong>the</strong> shack,<br />
barefoot, drunk. Always drunk. Couldn’t use her. In that year’s<br />
second case, <strong>the</strong> girl, very brilliant but she’d had an illegitimate<br />
baby. Couldn’t use her. The last case before Rosa was <strong>the</strong><br />
daughter of a preacher who headed a reform school for years. My<br />
interview of her convinced me that she wouldn’t st<strong>and</strong> up to<br />
pressure. She were even afraid of me. When Rosa Parks was<br />
arrested, I thought ‘this is it!’ ‘Cause she’s morally clean, she’s<br />
reliable, nobody had nothing on her, she had <strong>the</strong> courage of her<br />
convictions.[1]<br />
•<br />
[1] E. D. Nixon Interview by Steven Millner July 27, 1977 in The<br />
Walking City: The Montgomery Bus Boycott, 1955-1956, ed. David<br />
Garrow (Brooklyn, New York: Carlson Publishing, 1989), 546.<br />
Rosa Parks<br />
• Seamstress<br />
• Trained in non violent protest<br />
• Active member of <strong>the</strong> NAACP<br />
• Parks was arrested for “refusing<br />
to obey orders of [a] bus driver.”<br />
• “If you don’t st<strong>and</strong> up, I’m going to<br />
call <strong>the</strong> police <strong>and</strong> have you<br />
arrested.” “You may do that,”<br />
• “But that isn’t true,” Mrs. Parks<br />
reflected. “I was not tired<br />
physically, or no more tired than I<br />
usually was at <strong>the</strong> end of a<br />
working day. . . . No, <strong>the</strong> only<br />
tired I was, was tired of giving in.”<br />
The Boycott<br />
• Montgomery Improvement Association<br />
– Headed by Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr.<br />
• Walked<br />
• Took Taxis<br />
• Organized carpools<br />
• Challenges to <strong>the</strong> boycott<br />
– Montgomery police called <strong>the</strong> boycott illegal <strong>and</strong> threatened arrests<br />
– Many individuals lost <strong>the</strong>ir car insurance<br />
85
Document Based <strong>Question</strong><br />
Common Core St<strong>and</strong>ard Writing #1: Instructions:<br />
Please answer <strong>the</strong> following question using at least 5 documents, your knowledge of <strong>the</strong><br />
civil rights movement, documents/images used throughout <strong>the</strong> unit <strong>and</strong> information from<br />
at least 3 different oral histories.<br />
To cite a document, please write <strong>the</strong> letter <strong>the</strong> document represents next to its reference.<br />
For example—“Sit ins were a major part of achievement in <strong>the</strong> civil rights movement”<br />
(A).<br />
<strong>Question</strong>: Was <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus boycott successful?<br />
Document A—Photo by Don Cravens Courtesy Time Life. Pictures/Getty<br />
Images. 1956.<br />
Document B—Alabama Department of Archives <strong>and</strong> History, Montgomery,<br />
Alabama<br />
86
Document C—Code of <strong>the</strong> City of Montgomery, Alabama. Charlottesville:<br />
Michie City Publishing Co., 1952. Alabama Department of Archives <strong>and</strong><br />
History, Montgomery, Alabama<br />
87
Document D— Clayborne Carson, et al, eds., The Eyes on <strong>the</strong> Prize Civil<br />
Rights Reader (New York: Penguin Books, 1991), 44-45<br />
Honorable Mayor W. Gayle, City Hall, Montgomery, Alabama<br />
Dear Sir:<br />
. . . There were several things <strong>the</strong> Council asked for:<br />
1. A city law that would make it possible for Negroes to sit from back<br />
toward front, <strong>and</strong> whites from front toward back until all <strong>the</strong> seats are taken.<br />
2. That Negroes not be asked or forced to pay fare at front <strong>and</strong> go to <strong>the</strong> rear<br />
of <strong>the</strong> bus to enter.<br />
3. That busses stop at every corner in residential sections occupied by<br />
Negroes as <strong>the</strong>y do in communities where whites reside.<br />
. . . Mayor Gayle, three-fourths of <strong>the</strong> riders of <strong>the</strong>se public conveyances<br />
are Negroes. If Negroes did not patronize <strong>the</strong>m, <strong>the</strong>y could<br />
not possibly operate.<br />
More <strong>and</strong> more of our people are already arranging with neighbors <strong>and</strong><br />
friends to ride to keep from being insulted <strong>and</strong> humiliated by bus drivers.<br />
There has been talk from twenty-five or more local organizations of<br />
planning a city-wide boycott of busses. We, sir, do not feel that forceful<br />
measures are necessary in bargaining for a convenience which is right for all<br />
bus passengers.... Please consider this plea, <strong>and</strong> if possible, act favorably<br />
upon it, for even now plans are being made to ride less, or not at all, on our<br />
busses. We do not want this.<br />
Respectfully yours,<br />
The Women’s Political Council<br />
Jo Ann Robinson, President<br />
88
Document E— Alabama Department of Archives <strong>and</strong> History, Montgomery.<br />
MIA Meeting Notes.<br />
This is a historic week because segregation on buses has now been declared<br />
unconstitutional. Within a few days <strong>the</strong> Supreme Court M<strong>and</strong>ate will reach<br />
Montgomery <strong>and</strong> you will be reboarding integrated buses. This places upon<br />
us all a tremendous responsibility of maintaining, in face of what could be<br />
some unpleasantness, a calm <strong>and</strong> loving dignity befitting good citizens<br />
<strong>and</strong> members of our Race. If <strong>the</strong>re is violence in word or deed it must not be<br />
our people who commit it.<br />
. . .<br />
2. The whole bus is now for <strong>the</strong> use of all people. Take a vacant seat.<br />
3. Pray for guidance <strong>and</strong> commit yourself to complete non-violence in word<br />
<strong>and</strong> action as you enter <strong>the</strong> bus.<br />
. . . 5. In all things observe ordinary rules of courtesy <strong>and</strong> good behavior.<br />
6. Remember that this is not a victory for Negroes alone, but for all<br />
Montgomery <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> South. Do not boast! Do not brag!<br />
89
Document F— February 1956.. Montgomery County Archives.<br />
Document G—Browder v. Gayle<br />
We cannot in good conscience perform our duty as judges by blindly<br />
following <strong>the</strong> precedent of Plessy v. Ferguson, supra, when our study<br />
leaves us in complete agreement with <strong>the</strong> Fourth Circuit's opinion n15 in<br />
Flemming v. South Carolina Electric & Gas Co., 224 F.2d 752, appeal<br />
dismissed April 23, 1956, 351 U.S. 901, 76 S.Ct. 692, that <strong>the</strong> separate<br />
but equal doctrine can no longer be safely followed as a correct statement<br />
of <strong>the</strong> law. In fact, we think that Plessy v. Ferguson has been impliedly,<br />
though not explicitly, overruled, <strong>and</strong> that, under <strong>the</strong> later decisions, <strong>the</strong>re<br />
is now no rational basis upon which <strong>the</strong> separate but equal doctrine can be<br />
validly applied to public carrier transportation within <strong>the</strong> City of<br />
Montgomery <strong>and</strong> its police jurisdiction. The application of that doctrine<br />
cannot be justified as a proper execution of <strong>the</strong> state police power.<br />
90
DBQ Teachers Guide<br />
Document A<br />
Document Information—Photograph shows <strong>the</strong> “mobile churches” that provided<br />
transportation to individuals boycotting <strong>the</strong> city bus lines. Many of <strong>the</strong> vehicles were<br />
provided by <strong>the</strong> church <strong>and</strong> paid for by church donations given around <strong>the</strong> world in<br />
support of <strong>the</strong> boycott. After local insurance companies refused to insure <strong>the</strong> church<br />
vehicles, Lloyds of London offer to insure <strong>the</strong> vehicles.<br />
Document B<br />
Document Information—Telegram sent to Judge Carter who oversaw <strong>the</strong> arraignments of<br />
several bus boycott leaders including Rosa Parks, Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr., Jo Ann<br />
Robinson <strong>and</strong> E. D. Nixon. Business leaders “Diamond Bro<strong>the</strong>rs” report to <strong>the</strong> presiding<br />
judge that <strong>the</strong>y have cancelled plans for a new manufacturing building in Montgomery.<br />
This was a major <strong>economic</strong> loss for <strong>the</strong> city. Because of <strong>the</strong> tumult in Montgomery<br />
downtown businesses suffered <strong>economic</strong>ally <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> city bus lines struggled. As a result,<br />
bus lines had to increase its fare after three months of boycotting.<br />
Document C<br />
Document Information—Montgomery city ordinances relating to riding <strong>the</strong> buses.<br />
Montgomery had some of <strong>the</strong> most severe bus codes in <strong>the</strong> United States. It was illegal<br />
for <strong>the</strong> integration of <strong>the</strong> races on most city buses in <strong>the</strong> South. However, in<br />
Montgomery, African Americans had to board <strong>the</strong> bus in <strong>the</strong> front, pay, exit <strong>the</strong> bus, <strong>the</strong>n<br />
re-board <strong>the</strong> bus in <strong>the</strong> back entrance. Additionally, <strong>the</strong> bus driver had <strong>the</strong> same authority<br />
as a city police officer.<br />
Document D<br />
Document Information—Jo Ann Robinson led <strong>the</strong> Women’s Political Council, a group of<br />
mainly educated, professional black women in Montgomery. From 1950, Robinson’s<br />
goal with <strong>the</strong> WPC was to create better bus legislation. This is one of many letters<br />
Robinson <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> WPC set to Mayor Gayle requesting African Americans better<br />
treatment on buses. This was two years prior to <strong>the</strong> start of <strong>the</strong> boycott.<br />
Document E<br />
Document Information—Shortly before <strong>the</strong> city buses were planned to integrate, Martin<br />
Lu<strong>the</strong>r King Jr., as leader of <strong>the</strong> Montgomery Improvement Association, made several<br />
suggestions for re-boarding <strong>the</strong> bus. Because <strong>the</strong> boycott lasted 381 days, King was wary<br />
about both <strong>the</strong> white <strong>and</strong> black reaction to bus integration. In <strong>the</strong>se suggestions he<br />
requests that African Americans not boast or brag, but h<strong>and</strong>le <strong>the</strong>mselves graciously <strong>and</strong><br />
with respect. As a non violent protestor, King hoped to avoid violence.<br />
91
Document F<br />
Document Information—Arrest photo of Jo Ann Robinson, leader of <strong>the</strong> Women’s<br />
Political Council. Robinson, Rosa Parks, E. D. Nixon, Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr. <strong>and</strong><br />
several o<strong>the</strong>r boycott leaders were arrested in February 1956 for leading an illegal<br />
boycott. In Montgomery, as part of anti-communist hysteria, it was illegal for an<br />
individual or group to boycott a public business. After <strong>the</strong> Montgomery Improvement<br />
Association became aware of several members’ warrants for arrest, <strong>the</strong> boycotters turned<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves in to <strong>the</strong> police department <strong>and</strong> were all shortly released on bail.<br />
Document G<br />
Document Information—The boycott finally ended after 381 days because <strong>the</strong> Supreme<br />
Court ruled on <strong>the</strong> Browder v. Gayle case brought by E. D. Nixon of <strong>the</strong> NAACP,<br />
Robinson <strong>and</strong> attorney Fred Gray. The five plaintiffs, including Claudette Colvin,<br />
challenged Montgomery’s bus segregation laws calling <strong>the</strong>m “unconstitutional,” violating<br />
<strong>the</strong> 14 th amendment which gives equal protection under <strong>the</strong> law. Although boycotters<br />
only dem<strong>and</strong>ed better treatment on <strong>the</strong> buses, paying <strong>and</strong> boarding <strong>the</strong> bus on <strong>the</strong> front<br />
<strong>and</strong> sitting first come first serve, back to front for African Americans, front to back for<br />
whites, <strong>the</strong> Browder case ordered for full integration of all public buses.<br />
92
DBQ Student Support<br />
**Students may consider organizing <strong>the</strong>ir DBQ using <strong>economic</strong>, <strong>social</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>political</strong> as<br />
argument structures. **<br />
Economic—<br />
1. Pertaining to <strong>the</strong> production, distribution, <strong>and</strong> use of income, wealth, <strong>and</strong><br />
commodities.<br />
a. Examples—class systems, how things are made, how people buy <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
products.<br />
2. Involving or pertaining to one's personal resources of money: to give up a large<br />
house for <strong>economic</strong> reasons.<br />
a. Examples—choices when making or spending money. Where does one<br />
shop, what <strong>economic</strong> decision one makes <strong>and</strong> why?<br />
Social—<br />
1. Seeking or enjoying <strong>the</strong> companionship of o<strong>the</strong>rs; friendly; sociable; gregarious.<br />
a. Examples—Organizations, affiliations, church<br />
2. Of, pertaining to, connected with, or suited to polite or fashionable society: a<br />
<strong>social</strong> event.<br />
a. Events, marches, demonstrations<br />
3. Living or disposed to live in companionship with o<strong>the</strong>rs or in a community, ra<strong>the</strong>r<br />
than in isolation: People are <strong>social</strong> beings.<br />
Political—<br />
1. Of, pertaining to, or connected with a <strong>political</strong> party: a <strong>political</strong> campaign.<br />
a. Example—Campaigns, <strong>political</strong> parties<br />
2. Exercising or seeking power in <strong>the</strong> governmental or public affairs of a state,<br />
municipality, etc.: a <strong>political</strong> machine; a <strong>political</strong> boss.<br />
a. Seeking <strong>political</strong> office<br />
3. Of, pertaining to, or involving <strong>the</strong> state or its government<br />
a. Laws, legislature, police, government<br />
4. Having a definite policy or system of government: a <strong>political</strong> community.<br />
a. Examples—types of government, government change<br />
93
Purpose: Buckets can be a helpful tool to organize <strong>and</strong> categorize<br />
documents. Using <strong>the</strong> “DBQ Student Support Sheet” as a guide,<br />
students can write <strong>the</strong> letter of <strong>the</strong> document in <strong>the</strong> bucket that is most<br />
appropriate for that document. This will help <strong>the</strong> students to organize<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir paragraphs <strong>and</strong> categorize <strong>the</strong>ir documents.<br />
Instructions: Which Documents Belong in Which Bucket?<br />
**Hint, you can place <strong>the</strong> same document in multiple buckets**<br />
SOCIAL<br />
ECONOMIC<br />
POLITICAL<br />
94
Museum Project<br />
Common Core St<strong>and</strong>ard Research #7<br />
Museums provide an excellent atmosphere for students to learn, explore <strong>and</strong> connect<br />
ideas toge<strong>the</strong>r. Some museums are not that exciting—<strong>the</strong>y are empty, only contain one<br />
type of media <strong>and</strong> people are not <strong>the</strong>re to help guide <strong>the</strong>m. This is not <strong>the</strong> case at <strong>the</strong><br />
Civil Rights Movement Museum of California!!! There are many different medias to<br />
explore: Art, music, maps, dioramas, dolls, artifacts, documents, music etc…<br />
Your task is to create a museum exhibit on your assigned Civil Rights Movement Mini-<br />
Unit. This museum must be:<br />
1. Creative—Visuals are a key. There must be (if applicable) maps, posters,<br />
artwork, three-dimensional objects, props, music etc. All visuals,<br />
including maps, pictures, artwork, must have small captions below <strong>the</strong>m<br />
explaining what <strong>the</strong>y are.<br />
2. Educational—must cover all aspects of your topic as well as exp<strong>and</strong> upon<br />
<strong>the</strong>m. Must be factually accurate<br />
3. Experienced—one member of you group will act as <strong>the</strong> docent (a person<br />
who is a knowledgeable guide, esp. one who conducts visitors through a<br />
museum <strong>and</strong> delivers a commentary on <strong>the</strong> exhibitions). Each group<br />
member is responsible for preparing <strong>the</strong> 2-3 minute presentation <strong>the</strong><br />
docent will give. There will be 2 additional minutes for <strong>the</strong> docent to<br />
answer questions, <strong>and</strong> classmates to explore <strong>the</strong> exhibit as <strong>the</strong>y take notes.<br />
Museum Day Instructions: Set up: 5 minutes Travel: 4 minutes each station, 10 second<br />
passing period Clean up: 4 minutes<br />
Goals:<br />
1. You, as a student, will learn about <strong>the</strong> Civil Rights Movement in a creative <strong>and</strong><br />
dynamic way.<br />
2. You will be prepared for <strong>the</strong> unit exam on _____________<br />
3. You will work positively in a collaborative working environment<br />
4. Your creativity will extent to historical bounds.<br />
What will be produced/What you will be graded on:<br />
1. The docent’s presentation—A speech will be typed up <strong>and</strong> submitted to <strong>the</strong><br />
teacher. All of <strong>the</strong> terms will be highlighted. (2 COPIES PRINTED)<br />
2. All of <strong>the</strong> elements on <strong>the</strong> rubric which must be present in <strong>the</strong> exhibit<br />
3. A TYPED description of all of <strong>the</strong> artifacts using <strong>the</strong> “Artifact Sheet” on School<br />
Loop (you should have between 15-20, <strong>the</strong>re could be multiple artifacts for one<br />
term) in your exhibit. Explain 1. The artifact (Fragment) 2. How <strong>the</strong> artifact<br />
connects to/represents <strong>the</strong> term (3-5 Detailed Sentences). (2 COPIES PRINTED).<br />
PLEASE NUMBER YOUR ARTIFACTS.<br />
95
Artifacts can include<br />
Primary documents—newspaper articles, diaries, executive orders<br />
Images—paintings, cartoons, maps, photographs<br />
Music<br />
3-D objects such as—dioramas, dolls, applicable toys etc…<br />
No secondary text sources<br />
Groups: Each group will be responsible for creating a museum exhibit for one of <strong>the</strong><br />
following mini-units. All information from lecture/class must be included in <strong>the</strong> exhibit<br />
as well as evidence of fur<strong>the</strong>r research<br />
1. Early Civil Rights History<br />
a. 13 th Amendment<br />
b. 14 th Amendment<br />
c. 15 th Amendment<br />
d. Plessey s. Ferguson<br />
e. Jim Crow<br />
2. Desegregation in Schools<br />
a. Brown v. Board of Ed.<br />
b. Little Rock 9<br />
c. James Meredith<br />
d. Busing Movement<br />
e. Charles Hamilton Houston<br />
3. Organizations<br />
a. NAACP<br />
b. Urban League<br />
c. SCLC<br />
d. SNCC<br />
e. Black Pan<strong>the</strong>rs<br />
f. CORE<br />
4. Leaders<br />
a. Thurgood Marshall<br />
b. Rev. Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr.<br />
c. Jo Ann Robinson<br />
d. James Farmer<br />
e. John Lewis<br />
f. Stokely Carmichael<br />
5. Murder Cases<br />
a. Emmitt Till<br />
b. Medgar Evers<br />
c. 16 th Baptist Church Bombing<br />
d. Freedom Summer (Mississippi Crisis)<br />
96
6. Campaigns<br />
a. Montgomery Bus Boycott<br />
b. Albany Movement<br />
c. Birmingham Campaign<br />
d. Selma Campaign<br />
e. Freedom Summer<br />
7. Events<br />
a. Greensboro Sit-Ins<br />
b. March on Washington<br />
c. Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party<br />
d. King’s assassination<br />
8. Legislation<br />
a. Civil Rights Act of 1957<br />
b. Executive Order 11063<br />
c. Civil Rights Act 1964<br />
d. Voting Rights Act 1965<br />
e. Civil Rights Act 1968<br />
9. Black Power<br />
a. Black Pan<strong>the</strong>r Party<br />
b. Malcolm X<br />
c. 1968 Summer Olympics<br />
d. Nation of Islam<br />
97
70 points in <strong>the</strong><br />
1. The background<br />
poster is relevant<br />
2. The exhibit is<br />
well researched<br />
3. Includes a<br />
variety of items<br />
4. Includes full<br />
coverage of <strong>the</strong><br />
topic<br />
5. Content is<br />
accurate <strong>and</strong><br />
appropriate<br />
6. Indicates an<br />
underst<strong>and</strong>ing of<br />
<strong>the</strong> content<br />
7. Indicates <strong>the</strong><br />
ability to<br />
syn<strong>the</strong>size<br />
information<br />
8. Includes <strong>the</strong><br />
required number<br />
of elements<br />
9. Each group<br />
member appears<br />
to have<br />
participated<br />
10. Docent’s speech<br />
is informative,<br />
thorough, <strong>and</strong><br />
accurate.<br />
Museum Project Rubric<br />
7<br />
Strong<br />
6<br />
Moder<br />
ately<br />
Strong<br />
5<br />
Average<br />
3<br />
Moderat<br />
ely<br />
Weak<br />
1<br />
Weak<br />
98
Name of Artifact Civil Rights Term How <strong>the</strong> Artifact<br />
Represents/Connects to <strong>the</strong><br />
EX: Little Rock 9<br />
telegram from a<br />
parent to President<br />
Eisenhower<br />
1.<br />
2.<br />
3.<br />
4.<br />
5.<br />
6.<br />
7.<br />
8.<br />
9.<br />
10.<br />
11.<br />
12.<br />
13.<br />
14.<br />
15.<br />
Artifact Sheet<br />
Civil Rights Movement<br />
Little Rock 9 This telegram shows <strong>the</strong><br />
fear for <strong>the</strong> safety of <strong>the</strong><br />
Little Rock 9. The Little<br />
Rock 9, nine students who<br />
chose to integrate <strong>the</strong> allwhite<br />
Central High School<br />
in Arkansas in 1957, were<br />
attacked by an angry mob<br />
as <strong>the</strong>y attempted to enter<br />
<strong>the</strong> school. In a plea to <strong>the</strong><br />
president to send troops to<br />
protect <strong>the</strong> students, this<br />
parent shows how she was<br />
not going to give up <strong>the</strong><br />
hope of integration.<br />
99
Montgomery Bus Boycott: Background Essay<br />
100<br />
The modern civil rights movement in Alabama burst into public consciousness with an<br />
act of civil disobedience by Rosa Parks in Montgomery in 1955. After a 381-day boycott<br />
of city buses, <strong>the</strong> citizens of Montgomery achieved <strong>the</strong> victory of integrated public<br />
transportation. After <strong>the</strong> successful boycott, Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr. created <strong>and</strong> led <strong>the</strong><br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> modern civil rights movement<br />
had begun, transforming <strong>the</strong> state of Alabama <strong>and</strong> profoundly changing America forever.<br />
Montgomery had <strong>the</strong> most severe bus segregation laws in <strong>the</strong> United States. Many o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
Jim Crow cities had bus segregation laws where white passengers rode in <strong>the</strong> front <strong>and</strong><br />
black passengers rode in <strong>the</strong> back; however, <strong>the</strong> seats were always filled first come-firstserve<br />
with white passengers filling in <strong>the</strong> seats from <strong>the</strong> front to <strong>the</strong> back, <strong>and</strong> black<br />
passengers filling in <strong>the</strong> bus from <strong>the</strong> back to <strong>the</strong> front. Additionally, Montgomery’s laws<br />
gave bus drivers <strong>the</strong> authority to issue arrests <strong>and</strong> required black passengers <strong>and</strong> required<br />
black passengers to pay at <strong>the</strong> front of <strong>the</strong> bus, leave, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n re-board at <strong>the</strong> back<br />
entrance. Black citizens of Montgomery had protested <strong>the</strong>se laws as individuals for<br />
decades by refusing to give up <strong>the</strong>ir seat to a white passenger, refusing to re-board <strong>the</strong><br />
bus in <strong>the</strong> back, or talk back to drivers. Many of <strong>the</strong>se individuals who acted as<br />
individual protestors were arrested, beat up, physically removed from <strong>the</strong> bus <strong>and</strong> at<br />
times murdered in “self defense” by <strong>the</strong> driver.<br />
Prior to 1950 black citizens of Montgomery had yet to unite to fight <strong>the</strong>se austere<br />
segregation laws. After professor Jo Ann Robinson at Alabama State College took over<br />
<strong>the</strong> Women’s Political Council (WPC), a <strong>political</strong> organization for black women, <strong>the</strong><br />
fight to organize <strong>the</strong> black community to dem<strong>and</strong> an end to <strong>the</strong> segregation laws started.<br />
Robinson <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> WPC petitioned <strong>the</strong> City Council <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> bus company to include more<br />
stops in black neighborhoods fill buses on a first-come-first-serve basis <strong>and</strong> end <strong>the</strong><br />
harassment of bus drivers. After five years of unsuccessful meetings <strong>and</strong> unmet<br />
dem<strong>and</strong>s, Robinson teamed up with <strong>the</strong> Montgomery chapter president of <strong>the</strong> NAACP<br />
Edgar Daniel (E.D.) Nixon. Toge<strong>the</strong>r Robinson <strong>and</strong> Nixon interviewed several women<br />
who had been arrested for protesting city buses by refusing to give up <strong>the</strong>ir seat for a<br />
white individual, people like Claudette Colvin, Aurelia Browder, Sue McDonald <strong>and</strong><br />
Mary Louise Smith. Nixon <strong>and</strong> Robinson were hoping to find a unifying figure <strong>the</strong><br />
citizens could rally around to launch a boycott. However, that figure did not arrive until<br />
December 1, 1955.<br />
On Thursday, December 1, 1955, Rosa Parks, an African American seamstress, boarded a<br />
city bus in Montgomery <strong>and</strong> sat one row behind <strong>the</strong> whites-only section. The first ten<br />
rows of city buses were exclusively reserved for white passengers. As <strong>the</strong> bus filled with<br />
passengers, <strong>the</strong> white driver ordered Parks to surrender her seat to a white man. Parks
efused. Her defiance prompted <strong>the</strong> driver to summon <strong>the</strong> police, who promptly arrested<br />
her for violating <strong>the</strong> orders of a city bus driver.<br />
Rosa Parks was a proud member of <strong>the</strong> NAACP, had attended training on non-violent<br />
resistance, <strong>and</strong> was a well-respected citizen of Montgomery. The night of her arrest<br />
Robinson <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> WPC mimeographed hundreds of fliers indicating a boycott of city<br />
buses <strong>the</strong> following Monday, December 5 th . Approximately 30,000 African Americans<br />
participated in <strong>the</strong> bus boycott. That night, Reverends Ralph Abernathy <strong>and</strong> Martin<br />
Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr. led a mass meeting to address <strong>the</strong> protest. With tens of thous<strong>and</strong>s of<br />
black citizens sitting in <strong>the</strong> audience, <strong>the</strong> Reverends created <strong>the</strong> Montgomery<br />
Improvement Association (MIA) <strong>and</strong> decided to continue <strong>the</strong> boycott until <strong>the</strong> city laws<br />
were changed.<br />
Soon after <strong>the</strong> boycott began, MIA representatives met with Montgomery Mayor W. A.<br />
Gayle <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r city leaders <strong>and</strong> explained that African Americans would not resume<br />
riding <strong>the</strong> buses until <strong>the</strong> bus company hired black drivers for routes through black<br />
neighborhoods <strong>and</strong> instructed white drivers to treat black passengers with courtesy <strong>and</strong><br />
professionalism. The City Council quickly dismissed quickly dem<strong>and</strong>s. The African<br />
American community, meanwhile, held strong by organizing church taxis, <strong>and</strong> holding<br />
mass meetings. Acknowledging that laws might not change with a boycott alone, local<br />
black attorney Fred Gray filed a lawsuit in federal court. The lawsuit, known as Browder<br />
v. Gayle, sought a complete end to segregation on <strong>the</strong> city's buses. As a result, city police<br />
harassed <strong>the</strong> boycott's supporters, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> White Citizen’s Council targeted <strong>the</strong> boycott's<br />
leaders with threats of violence <strong>and</strong> arrest of boycotters.<br />
November 13, 1956, <strong>the</strong> U.S. Supreme Court upheld a lower-court ruling declaring that<br />
segregation on Montgomery buses was unconstitutional. One month later, African<br />
Americans integrated <strong>the</strong> city's bus system.<br />
101
Historical Reference (People)<br />
People Information<br />
Jo Ann Robinson In <strong>the</strong> early 1950s, Robinson <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r members of <strong>the</strong><br />
Women’s Political Council met with Montgomery mayor<br />
William A. Gayle <strong>and</strong> several of his staff. The WPC<br />
members found <strong>the</strong> mayor <strong>and</strong> his staff responsive to <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
request for dialogue on <strong>various</strong> issues affecting African<br />
Americans in Montgomery until <strong>the</strong> subject of integrating<br />
<strong>the</strong> buses arose. Robinson <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs wanted drivers to be<br />
more courteous, to stop more frequently in black<br />
neighborhoods, to allow blacks to pay <strong>and</strong> board <strong>the</strong> bus at<br />
<strong>the</strong> front, <strong>and</strong> to reserve more seats for black patrons. With<br />
little cooperation from <strong>the</strong> mayor's office, <strong>and</strong> few African<br />
Americans able to vote in <strong>the</strong> city, Robinson came to<br />
envision a boycott by <strong>the</strong> city's many African Americans,<br />
which would severely affect <strong>the</strong> bus company's finances<br />
<strong>and</strong> perhaps prompt integration. After Rosa Parks was<br />
arrested on December 1, 1955, Robinson <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs saw<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir opportunity to take action. She authored <strong>the</strong> text of a<br />
flyer calling for African Americans to boycott city buses,<br />
starting <strong>the</strong> Montgomery Bus Boycott.<br />
Fred Gray After Rosa Parks refused to relinquish her bus seat on<br />
December 1, 1955, <strong>the</strong> young Gray, who shared lunch with<br />
Parks earlier that day, became her attorney. Despite Gray's<br />
efforts, Parks was convicted of disorderly conduct <strong>and</strong><br />
violating a civil ordinance. During <strong>the</strong> famous bus boycott<br />
that followed, Gray served as a legal advisor to <strong>the</strong><br />
Montgomery Improvement Association, <strong>and</strong> he was lead<br />
counsel in Browder v. Gayle, <strong>the</strong> 1956 case in which <strong>the</strong><br />
Supreme Court upheld lower court decisions prohibiting<br />
segregation on city buses. The bus boycott launched<br />
Gray's career, as o<strong>the</strong>r civil rights activists <strong>and</strong><br />
organizations sought his services<br />
E. D. Nixon In 1945, he was elected as <strong>the</strong> president of <strong>the</strong><br />
Montgomery chapter of <strong>the</strong> National Association for <strong>the</strong><br />
Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) <strong>and</strong> just two<br />
years later became <strong>the</strong> state president of <strong>the</strong> organization.<br />
Nixon was <strong>political</strong>ly astute <strong>and</strong> negotiated successfully<br />
with white city leaders to gain marginal advances in<br />
employment for blacks in city governmental agencies.<br />
During <strong>the</strong> 1950s, Nixon was instrumental in convincing<br />
102
<strong>the</strong> Montgomery Police Department to hire blacks by<br />
agreeing to support a white c<strong>and</strong>idate who was sympa<strong>the</strong>tic<br />
to <strong>the</strong> fight for black civil rights. Also around this time,<br />
Nixon began to openly question <strong>the</strong> segregated seating<br />
restrictions on city buses <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> refusal of bus companies<br />
to employ black drivers. He <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r members of <strong>the</strong><br />
Montgomery branch of <strong>the</strong> NAACP began to look for a test<br />
case to challenge <strong>the</strong> legality of Montgomery's segregated<br />
transportation system. When Claudette Colvin was arrested<br />
for refusing to surrender her seat to a white man, Nixon<br />
wondered if <strong>the</strong> arrest could serve as <strong>the</strong> case that could<br />
challenge <strong>the</strong> legality of Alabama's segregated buses.<br />
Nixon consulted with attorney <strong>and</strong> civil-rights activist Fred<br />
Gray <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs to analyze <strong>the</strong> merits of a case <strong>and</strong> to<br />
determine if Colvin could st<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> scrutiny of being a lead<br />
plaintiff. Nixon decided that Colvin was not mature enough<br />
to h<strong>and</strong>le <strong>the</strong> pressures associated with such a l<strong>and</strong>mark<br />
case <strong>and</strong> potentially could cause public relations troubles<br />
because she was pregnant <strong>and</strong> unmarried. December 1,<br />
1955, Rosa Parks, a seamstress <strong>and</strong> secretary for <strong>the</strong><br />
NAACP in Montgomery, was arrested for refusing to<br />
surrender her seat to a white man. Nixon was notified of<br />
<strong>the</strong> arrest, <strong>and</strong> when he telephoned to inquire about Parks'<br />
arrest, his inquiry was met with racial epi<strong>the</strong>ts, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
police refused to speak with him. Nixon put his house up<br />
as bond collateral for her release. Nixon consulted with<br />
Gray, <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r local black leaders, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y decided that<br />
Parks' arrest would serve as <strong>the</strong> case to challenge <strong>the</strong> state's<br />
segregation policy in Montgomery. A short time later,<br />
Nixon <strong>and</strong> a group of Montgomery-area clergy <strong>and</strong> civic<br />
leaders, including civil-rights leader Ralph Abernathy,<br />
founded <strong>the</strong> Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA)<br />
Rosa Parks In <strong>the</strong> early 1940s, Parks became active in <strong>the</strong> Montgomery<br />
chapter of <strong>the</strong> National Association for <strong>the</strong> Advancement<br />
of Colored People (NAACP), serving as its secretary <strong>and</strong><br />
teaching young people about <strong>the</strong>ir rights <strong>and</strong><br />
responsibilities as U.S. citizens. Parks participated in a<br />
week-long stay for her at <strong>the</strong> Highl<strong>and</strong>er Folk School in<br />
Tennessee. The school had been founded in 1932 as a<br />
training facility for <strong>social</strong> activists, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>re Parks learned<br />
effective strategies to protest segregation, including<br />
picketing methods <strong>and</strong> guidelines for establishing<br />
citizenship training schools to help people pass voting<br />
103
Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r<br />
King, Jr.<br />
tests.<br />
Upon her return, Parks redoubled her commitment to <strong>the</strong><br />
civil rights community <strong>and</strong> its effort to overthrow <strong>the</strong> Jim<br />
Crow laws that regulated virtually every aspect of African<br />
Americans' lives. On December 1, 1955, Parks' convictions<br />
were put to <strong>the</strong> test. She boarded a crowded bus after work<br />
<strong>and</strong> took a seat. When a white man got on <strong>and</strong> was unable<br />
to find a seat in <strong>the</strong> whites-only section, Rosa Parks<br />
Arrested <strong>the</strong> bus driver dem<strong>and</strong>ed that Parks <strong>and</strong> three<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r black passengers give up <strong>the</strong>ir seats. (All black<br />
passengers were required by law to leave <strong>the</strong> row, even if<br />
only one white passenger needed a seat.) Parks decided <strong>the</strong><br />
time had come to take her st<strong>and</strong>; she refused to get up, <strong>and</strong><br />
at <strong>the</strong> driver's request two Montgomery police officers<br />
escorted her off <strong>the</strong> bus <strong>and</strong> to city hall to be arrested. E.<br />
D. Nixon, former president of <strong>the</strong> Montgomery NAACP,<br />
bailed her out, <strong>and</strong> attorney <strong>and</strong> activist Fred Gray<br />
represented her in <strong>the</strong> subsequent trial, which resulted in a<br />
$10 fine. Although it was not her intention, Parks' decision<br />
to violate <strong>the</strong> segregation ordinance triggered a year-long<br />
boycott of Montgomery's buses by <strong>the</strong> city's black<br />
population <strong>and</strong> prompted a challenge of <strong>the</strong> ordinance's<br />
constitutionality in federal court. In December 1956, after<br />
<strong>the</strong> U.S. Supreme Court affirmed a district court's ruling<br />
against segregation in Browder v. Gayle, Parks took a<br />
symbolic first ride near <strong>the</strong> front of a city bus. The<br />
successful boycott served as an inspiration to black<br />
communities throughout <strong>the</strong> nation <strong>and</strong> established Rosa<br />
Parks as <strong>the</strong> "mo<strong>the</strong>r of <strong>the</strong> civil rights movement."<br />
In 1954 Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King Jr. applied for a job as <strong>the</strong> new<br />
pastor at Dexter Avenue Baptist Church, located near <strong>the</strong><br />
Alabama state capital building in Montgomery. While <strong>the</strong>re<br />
to preach a trial sermon to <strong>the</strong> congregation, King<br />
befriended <strong>the</strong> pastor of First Baptist Church, Alabamian<br />
Ralph Abernathy, ano<strong>the</strong>r future leader of <strong>the</strong> civil rights<br />
movement. By 1955, King was known in Montgomery <strong>and</strong><br />
around <strong>the</strong> region as a comm<strong>and</strong>ing orator with a<br />
passionate but measured delivery. King’s rise to national<br />
prominence began with events in 1955. On December 1,<br />
1955, Montgomery police officers arrested Rosa Parks for<br />
refusing to give her bus seat to a white man. Community<br />
activists elected King as president of <strong>the</strong> Montgomery<br />
Improvement Association, a group created to organize<br />
104
protests <strong>and</strong> a boycott of city buses, most likely because he<br />
was relatively new to <strong>the</strong> city <strong>and</strong> had no problematic<br />
allegiances to <strong>the</strong> <strong>various</strong> factions within <strong>the</strong> black<br />
community. The boycott, which lasted more than a year,<br />
ended in December 1956, when <strong>the</strong> U.S. Supreme Court<br />
affirmed a lower court's ruling that Alabama's laws<br />
requiring segregation on buses were unconstitutional.<br />
King, Abernathy, Parks, her attorney Fred Gray, <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs<br />
were among <strong>the</strong> first to ride on Montgomery's integrated<br />
buses.<br />
Ralph Abernathy Abernathy, who was three years older, served as King’s<br />
mentor in <strong>the</strong> city's black ministerial community. In<br />
December 1955, Abernathy, King, <strong>and</strong> several o<strong>the</strong>r local<br />
activists created <strong>the</strong> Montgomery Improvement<br />
Association (MIA) after fellow activist Rosa Parks was<br />
arrested for refusing to relinquish her seat to a white man<br />
on a city bus. Many civil rights leaders in Montgomery<br />
had been looking for just such a spark to trigger protests<br />
against <strong>the</strong> harsh segregation rules on public transportation.<br />
Abernathy <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r MIA leaders orchestrated a bus<br />
boycott that lasted more than a year <strong>and</strong> brought national<br />
attention to <strong>the</strong> MIA members <strong>and</strong> to civil rights issues in<br />
<strong>the</strong> South. Abernathy often shared <strong>the</strong> podium with King<br />
<strong>and</strong> exhorted <strong>the</strong> people not to lose faith. "Dr. King's job,"<br />
he remembered years later, "was to interpret <strong>the</strong> ideology<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ology of non-violence. My job was more simple<br />
<strong>and</strong> down-to-earth. I would tell <strong>the</strong>m, ‘Don't ride those<br />
buses.'" In January 1957, amid a spate of white violence<br />
following <strong>the</strong> successful bus boycott, Abernathy's home<br />
<strong>and</strong> church were heavily damaged by bomb blasts. In<br />
August 1957, Abernathy, King, <strong>and</strong> several o<strong>the</strong>rs founded<br />
<strong>the</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC),<br />
which would become <strong>the</strong> most visible civil rights<br />
organization in <strong>the</strong> South. King was installed as president<br />
<strong>and</strong> Abernathy as secretary-treasurer. Abernathy would<br />
later become vice president of <strong>the</strong> organization <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n<br />
ascend to <strong>the</strong> presidency after King's assassination in 1968.<br />
Source: Encyclopedia of Alabama<br />
105
Historical Reference (Terms)<br />
Terms Information<br />
Segregation Segregation was <strong>the</strong> legal <strong>and</strong> <strong>social</strong> system of separating<br />
(Jim Crow Laws) citizens on <strong>the</strong> basis of race. The system maintained <strong>the</strong><br />
repression of black citizens in Alabama <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r sou<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
states until it was dismantled during <strong>the</strong> civil rights movement<br />
in <strong>the</strong> 1950s <strong>and</strong> 1960s <strong>and</strong> by subsequent civil rights<br />
legislation. Segregation is usually understood as a legal<br />
system of control consisting of <strong>the</strong> denial of voting rights, <strong>the</strong><br />
maintenance of separate schools, <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r forms of<br />
separation between <strong>the</strong> races, but formal legal rules were only<br />
one part of <strong>the</strong> regime. Some historians list three o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
important elements contributing to <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>and</strong><br />
reinforcement of <strong>the</strong> status quo: physical force <strong>and</strong> terror,<br />
<strong>economic</strong> intimidation, <strong>and</strong> psychological control exerted<br />
through messages of low worth <strong>and</strong> negativity transmitted<br />
<strong>social</strong>ly to African American citizens.<br />
Women’s Political Mary Fair Burks founded <strong>the</strong> Women's Political Council<br />
Council (WPC) in 1946 to inspire African American women to<br />
become more <strong>political</strong>ly active. The WPC was mainly<br />
comprised of female educators, nurses, teachers <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
professionals. In 1950, Jo Ann Robinson took over <strong>the</strong> WPC<br />
<strong>and</strong> made its chief goal to end harassment on city buses. Prior<br />
to Parks’ arrest, <strong>the</strong> WPC wrote letters to Mayor Gayle<br />
dem<strong>and</strong>ing an end to Montgomery’s bus laws. After Parks’<br />
arrest, <strong>the</strong> WPC mimeographed memos spreading word of <strong>the</strong><br />
boycott.<br />
Browder v. Gayle MIA members took up <strong>the</strong> much larger task of improving race<br />
relations in <strong>the</strong> city. Working with <strong>the</strong> NAACP, <strong>the</strong><br />
organization also mounted a legal challenge to <strong>the</strong> city's<br />
segregated buses with Browder v. Gayle, led by NAACP<br />
attorney Fred Gray. That case, which involved civil rights<br />
activist Aurelia Browder bringing suit against Montgomery<br />
mayor W. A. Gayle to integrate <strong>the</strong> bus system, would be<br />
decided <strong>the</strong> year following Parks’ arrest. In June 1956,<br />
federal judges Richard Rives <strong>and</strong> Frank M. Johnson decided<br />
in favor of <strong>the</strong> MIA in <strong>the</strong> Browder v. Gayle case, ruling that<br />
segregated seating on city buses was unconstitutional.<br />
Montgomery officials continued to resist integration,<br />
however, <strong>and</strong> took Browder v. Gayle to <strong>the</strong> Supreme Court,<br />
which upheld <strong>the</strong> lower court's ruling in November. After an<br />
almost 13-month-long boycott, Montgomery buses were<br />
106
Montgomery<br />
Improvement<br />
Association<br />
integrated in December 1956. Rosa Parks, Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r<br />
King, <strong>and</strong> Ralph Abernathy were among <strong>the</strong> first passengers<br />
on <strong>the</strong> newly integrated bus lines.<br />
The Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA) was<br />
formed in <strong>the</strong> days following <strong>the</strong> December 1955 arrest of<br />
Rosa Parks, to oversee <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus boycott. The<br />
organization would play a leading role in fighting segregation<br />
in <strong>the</strong> city <strong>and</strong> produce some of <strong>the</strong> civil rights movement's<br />
most well-known figures. To protest Parks’ arrest, E. D.<br />
Nixon, <strong>the</strong> local leader of <strong>the</strong> National Association for <strong>the</strong><br />
Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), <strong>and</strong> Jo Ann<br />
Robinson, president of <strong>the</strong> Women's Political Council,<br />
organized a one-day boycott of Montgomery buses to take<br />
place on Monday, December 5. That evening, a mass meeting<br />
was held at <strong>the</strong> Holt Street Baptist Church to determine <strong>the</strong><br />
future of <strong>the</strong> boycott. The group members decided <strong>the</strong>y<br />
would continue to boycott <strong>the</strong> buses <strong>and</strong> urge o<strong>the</strong>rs to do so<br />
as well, <strong>and</strong> organized <strong>the</strong>mselves into <strong>the</strong> Montgomery<br />
Improvement Association to oversee <strong>the</strong> boycott. The MIA,<br />
like <strong>the</strong> boycott itself, was founded on <strong>the</strong> Christian principles<br />
of nonviolence <strong>and</strong> kindness toward one's enemies. Local<br />
ministers were given leadership positions in <strong>the</strong> organization<br />
as well as in <strong>the</strong> boycott. The members elected as president<br />
26-year-old Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King Jr., pastor of <strong>the</strong> Dexter<br />
Avenue Baptist Church <strong>and</strong> a newcomer to Montgomery.<br />
King was chosen for his eloquence <strong>and</strong> his calm demeanor, as<br />
well as for a more practical consideration; he was largely<br />
unknown to, <strong>and</strong> would not alarm, most whites in<br />
Montgomery. Although E. D. Nixon was widely recognized<br />
as <strong>the</strong> de facto leader of Montgomery's black community, he<br />
was instead made treasurer of <strong>the</strong> MIA, <strong>and</strong> relations between<br />
him <strong>and</strong> King would remain tense throughout <strong>the</strong> boycott.<br />
The MIA regularly held mass meetings at <strong>the</strong> Holt Street<br />
Baptist Church to pray <strong>and</strong> to collect donations for gas <strong>and</strong><br />
tires for <strong>the</strong> people who drove <strong>the</strong> boycotters. Anecdotal<br />
evidence holds that <strong>the</strong> MIA benefitted from substantial<br />
contributions from whites. The MIA also produced <strong>the</strong> MIA<br />
Newsletter, which was written by Jo Ann Robinson <strong>and</strong> was<br />
widely circulated; particularly gripping articles could always<br />
be counted on to bring in a flurry of donations from across <strong>the</strong><br />
country. In addition, <strong>the</strong> MIA formed a delegation to<br />
107
Source: Encyclopedia of Alabama<br />
negotiate with <strong>the</strong> city. Their dem<strong>and</strong>s were relatively modest:<br />
courteous treatment by bus drivers, employment of African<br />
Americans as bus drivers, <strong>and</strong> first-come, first-served seating,<br />
ra<strong>the</strong>r than outright integration<br />
108
Primary <strong>and</strong> Secondary Sources<br />
Common Core St<strong>and</strong>ard Reading #6<br />
Historical Analysis Tools<br />
A primary source is a document or physical object, which was written or created during<br />
<strong>the</strong> time under study. These sources were present during an experience or time period<br />
<strong>and</strong> offer an inside view of a particular event. Some types of primary sources include:<br />
ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS (excerpts or translations acceptable): Diaries,<br />
speeches, manuscripts, letters, interviews, news film footage, autobiographies,<br />
official records<br />
CREATIVE WORKS: Poetry, drama, novels, music, art<br />
RELICS OR ARTIFACTS: Pottery, furniture, clothing, buildings<br />
Examples of primary sources include:<br />
Diary of Anne Frank - Experiences of a Jewish family during WWII<br />
The Constitution of Canada - Canadian History<br />
A journal article reporting NEW research or findings<br />
Weavings <strong>and</strong> pottery - Native American history<br />
Plato's Republic - Women in Ancient Greece<br />
What is a secondary source?<br />
A secondary source interprets <strong>and</strong> analyzes primary sources. These sources are one or<br />
more steps removed from <strong>the</strong> event. Secondary sources may have pictures, quotes or<br />
graphics of primary sources in <strong>the</strong>m. Some types of secondary sources include:<br />
1) PUBLICATIONS: Textbooks, magazine articles, histories, criticisms, commentaries,<br />
encyclopedias<br />
Examples of secondary sources include:<br />
A journal/magazine article which interprets or reviews previous findings<br />
A history textbook<br />
A book about <strong>the</strong> effects of WWI<br />
Source: Princeton University<br />
109
Three Levels of <strong>Question</strong>ing<br />
Common Core St<strong>and</strong>ard Reading #6<br />
Level One <strong>Question</strong>s:<br />
Readers can point to one correct answer right in <strong>the</strong> text. Words found in <strong>the</strong>se questions<br />
include:<br />
defining<br />
observing<br />
describing<br />
naming<br />
identifying<br />
reciting<br />
noting<br />
listing<br />
Level Two <strong>Question</strong>s:<br />
Readers infer answers from what <strong>the</strong> text implicitly states, finding answers in several<br />
places in <strong>the</strong> text. Words found in <strong>the</strong>se questions include:<br />
analyzing<br />
grouping<br />
syn<strong>the</strong>sizing<br />
comparing/contrasting<br />
inferring<br />
sequencing<br />
Level Three <strong>Question</strong>s:<br />
Readers think beyond what <strong>the</strong> text states. Answers are based on reader’s prior<br />
knowledge/experience <strong>and</strong> will vary. Words found in <strong>the</strong>se questions include:<br />
evaluating<br />
judging<br />
applying a principle<br />
speculating<br />
imagining<br />
predicting<br />
hypo<strong>the</strong>sizing<br />
Source: Arthur L. Costa, “Teaching for Intelligence: Recognizing <strong>and</strong> Encouraging<br />
Skillful Thinking <strong>and</strong> Behavior.” Context Institute (1988).<br />
110
SOAPS<br />
Common Core St<strong>and</strong>ard Reading #6<br />
Have <strong>the</strong> students complete a SOAPS chart for a specific document, artifact or<br />
photograph<br />
1. Speaker<br />
o Who is <strong>the</strong> speaker who produced this piece? What is <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
background <strong>and</strong> why are <strong>the</strong>y making <strong>the</strong> points <strong>the</strong>y are making? Is<br />
<strong>the</strong>re a bias in what was written?<br />
2. Occasion<br />
o What is <strong>the</strong> Occasion? The time <strong>and</strong> place of <strong>the</strong> piece. What<br />
promoted <strong>the</strong> author to write this piece? What event led to its<br />
publication or development? It is particularly important that students<br />
underst<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> context that encouraged <strong>the</strong> writing to happen.<br />
3. Audience<br />
o Who is <strong>the</strong> Audience? The group of readers to whom this piece is<br />
directed. The audience may be one person, a small group or a large<br />
group; it may be a certain person or a certain people. What<br />
assumptions can you make about <strong>the</strong> audience? Is it mixed racial/sex<br />
group? What <strong>social</strong> class? Political party? Who was <strong>the</strong> document<br />
created for? Are <strong>the</strong>re any words or phrases that are unusual or<br />
different? Does <strong>the</strong> speaker use language <strong>the</strong> specific for a unique<br />
audience? Does he speaker evoke God? Nation? Liberty? History?<br />
Hell? Does <strong>the</strong> speaker allude to classical <strong>the</strong>mes: <strong>the</strong> Fates, <strong>the</strong><br />
Classical, Pericles, Caesar? Why is <strong>the</strong> speaker using this type of<br />
language?<br />
4. Purpose<br />
o What is <strong>the</strong> purpose? The reason behind <strong>the</strong> text. In what ways does he<br />
convey this message? How would you perceive <strong>the</strong> speaker giving this<br />
speech? What is <strong>the</strong> document saying? What is <strong>the</strong> emotional state of<br />
<strong>the</strong> speaker? How is <strong>the</strong> speaker trying to spark a reaction in <strong>the</strong><br />
audience? What words or phrases show <strong>the</strong> speaker’s tone? How is <strong>the</strong><br />
document supposed to make you feel? This helps you examine <strong>the</strong><br />
argument or its logic.<br />
5. Subject<br />
o What is <strong>the</strong> subject of <strong>the</strong> document? The general topic, content, <strong>and</strong><br />
ideas contained in <strong>the</strong> text. How do you know this? How has <strong>the</strong><br />
subject been selected <strong>and</strong> presented? And presented by <strong>the</strong> author?<br />
111
Document Analysis Worksheet<br />
TYPE OF DOCUMENT (Check one):<br />
Newspaper Map Advertisement<br />
Letter Telegram Press Release<br />
Census Report Memor<strong>and</strong>um O<strong>the</strong>r<br />
UNIQUE PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE DOCUMENT<br />
(Check one or more):<br />
Interesting Letterhead Notations H<strong>and</strong>written Typed<br />
Stamp O<strong>the</strong>r<br />
DATE(S) Seals OF DOCUMENT:<br />
AUTHOR<br />
FOR WHAT AUDIENCE WAS THE DOCUMENT WRITTEN?<br />
DOCUMENT INFORMATION<br />
A. Why do you think this document was written?<br />
B. What evidence in <strong>the</strong> document helps you know why it was written?<br />
Quote from <strong>the</strong> document.<br />
C. List two things <strong>the</strong> document tells you about life in <strong>the</strong> United States at <strong>the</strong> time it<br />
was<br />
written.<br />
D. Write a question to <strong>the</strong> author that is left unanswered by <strong>the</strong> document:<br />
Source: Designed <strong>and</strong> developed by <strong>the</strong> Education Staff, National Archives <strong>and</strong> Records<br />
Administration, Washington, DC 20408<br />
112
Photo Analysis Worksheet<br />
Study <strong>the</strong> photograph for 2 minutes. Form an overall impression of <strong>the</strong> photograph<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n examine individual items. Next, divide <strong>the</strong> photo into quadrants <strong>and</strong> study<br />
each section to see what new details become visible.<br />
Use <strong>the</strong> space below to list people, objects, <strong>and</strong> activities in <strong>the</strong> photograph.<br />
Based on what you have observed above, list three things you might infer from<br />
this photograph.<br />
What questions does this photograph raise in your mind?<br />
Where could you find answers to <strong>the</strong>m?<br />
Source: Designed <strong>and</strong> developed by <strong>the</strong> Education Staff, National Archives <strong>and</strong><br />
Records Administration, Washington, DC 20408<br />
113
Cartoon Analysis Worksheet<br />
Level 1<br />
Visuals Words (not all cartoons include words)<br />
1. List <strong>the</strong> objects or people you see in <strong>the</strong><br />
cartoon.<br />
1. Identify <strong>the</strong> cartoon caption <strong>and</strong>/<br />
Or title.<br />
114<br />
2. Locate three words or phrases used<br />
by <strong>the</strong> cartoonist to identify objects or<br />
people within <strong>the</strong> cartoon.<br />
3. Record any important dates or<br />
Numbers that appear in <strong>the</strong> cartoon.<br />
Level 2<br />
Visuals Words<br />
2. Which of <strong>the</strong> objects on your list are 4. Which words or phrases in <strong>the</strong><br />
symbols?<br />
cartoon appear to be <strong>the</strong> most<br />
significant? Why do you think so?<br />
3. What do you think each symbol means?<br />
Level 3<br />
A. Describe <strong>the</strong> action taking place in <strong>the</strong> cartoon.<br />
B. Explain how <strong>the</strong> words in <strong>the</strong> cartoon clarify <strong>the</strong> symbols.<br />
C. Explain <strong>the</strong> message of <strong>the</strong> cartoon.<br />
5. List adjectives that describe <strong>the</strong><br />
emotions portrayed in <strong>the</strong> cartoon.<br />
D. What special interest groups would agree/disagree with <strong>the</strong> cartoon's message?<br />
Why?<br />
Source: Designed <strong>and</strong> developed by <strong>the</strong> Education Staff, National Archives <strong>and</strong><br />
Records Administration, Washington, DC 20408
Artifact Analysis Worksheet<br />
TYPE OF ARTIFACT<br />
Describe <strong>the</strong> material from which it was made: bone, pottery, metal, wood, stone,<br />
lea<strong>the</strong>r, glass, paper, cardboard, cotton, plastic, o<strong>the</strong>r material.<br />
SPECIAL QUALITIES OF THE ARTIFACT<br />
Describe how it looks <strong>and</strong> feels: shape, color, texture, size, weight, movable parts,<br />
anything printed, stamped or written on it.<br />
USES OF THE ARTIFACT<br />
A. What might it have been used for?<br />
WHAT DOES THE ARTIFACT TELL US?<br />
A. What does it tell us about technology of <strong>the</strong> time in which it was made <strong>and</strong><br />
used?<br />
B. What does it tell us about <strong>the</strong> life <strong>and</strong> times of <strong>the</strong> people who made it <strong>and</strong><br />
used it?<br />
C. Can you name a similar item today?<br />
Source: Designed <strong>and</strong> developed by <strong>the</strong> Education Staff, National Archives <strong>and</strong><br />
Records Administration, Washington, DC 20408<br />
115
Map Analysis Worksheet<br />
TYPE OF MAP (Check one):<br />
Raised Relief map Bird's-eye map<br />
Topographic map Artifact map<br />
Political map Satellite photograph/mosaic<br />
Contour-line O<strong>the</strong>r<br />
UNIQUE PHYSICAL QUALITIES OF THE<br />
MAP (Check one or more): Compass Name<br />
of mapmaker H<strong>and</strong>written Title<br />
Date<br />
Scale<br />
DATE OF MAP:<br />
CREATOR OF THE MAP:<br />
WHERE WAS THE MAP PRODUCED?<br />
MAP INFORMATION<br />
A. List three things in this map that you think are important.<br />
1.<br />
2.<br />
3.<br />
B. Why do you think this map was drawn?<br />
C. What evidence in <strong>the</strong> map suggests why it was drawn?<br />
D. What information does this map add to <strong>the</strong> textbook's account of this<br />
event?<br />
E. Does <strong>the</strong> information in this map support or contradict information that<br />
you have read about this event? Explain.<br />
F. Write a question to <strong>the</strong> mapmaker that is left unanswered by this map.<br />
Source: Designed <strong>and</strong> developed by <strong>the</strong> Education Staff, National Archives <strong>and</strong><br />
Records Administration, Washington, DC 20408<br />
116
Historical Primary Sources: Photographs, Documents, Interviews<br />
Document Guiding <strong>Question</strong>s<br />
Common Core St<strong>and</strong>ard Reading #6<br />
Please reference <strong>the</strong> document number <strong>and</strong> connect it to <strong>the</strong> guiding question for fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />
analysis.<br />
1. Why was <strong>the</strong> African American population in Montgomery ready to boycott by<br />
December 1955?<br />
2. How did <strong>the</strong> Montgomery leadership create a community during <strong>the</strong> boycott?<br />
3. How did <strong>the</strong> boycott affect Montgomery <strong>economic</strong>ally?<br />
4. Why was <strong>the</strong> boycott successful?<br />
Interview Guiding <strong>Question</strong>s<br />
**Interviews should be used as supplemental material for teachers <strong>and</strong> students. They<br />
can also be given as additional background information on individuals, for photographs,<br />
<strong>and</strong>/or primary source analysis. Teachers can also have students match up interviews<br />
with specific documents <strong>and</strong>/or photographs. This will teach <strong>the</strong> students to think about<br />
history in <strong>the</strong> big picture.**<br />
1. What is <strong>the</strong> attitude of <strong>the</strong> person interviewed?<br />
2. How did <strong>the</strong>y contribute to <strong>the</strong> bus boycott?<br />
3. What did <strong>the</strong>y find challenging about <strong>the</strong> boycott?<br />
4. How would one individual interviewed (such as Claudette Colvin) feel about<br />
ano<strong>the</strong>r interviewee (such as E. D. Nixon)? How do you know?<br />
5. Create <strong>and</strong> answer different levels of questioning for an interviewee.<br />
117
Images<br />
Rosa Parks rides on a newly integrated bus in Montgomery, Alabama,<br />
following <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> Montgomery Bus Boycott. December 26, 1956.<br />
Montgomery Bus Boycott: Rosa Parks rides on a newly integrated bus in<br />
Montgomery,..." Government, Politics, <strong>and</strong> Protest: Essential Primary<br />
Sources. Ed. K. Lee Lerner, Brenda Wilmoth Lerner, <strong>and</strong> Adrienne<br />
Wilmoth Lerner. Detroit: Gale, 2006. Gale U.S. History In Context.<br />
118
Two months after her initial arrest, Rosa Parks was arrested on new<br />
charges, February 1956.<br />
Smithsonian Museum.<br />
119
Holt Street Baptist Church, December 5, 1955<br />
Photo by Arthur Freeman, Collection of Diane Wood. Smithsonian<br />
Museum.<br />
120
Boycotters carpooled, rode “mobile churches” (carpools sponsored by<br />
<strong>the</strong> church) <strong>and</strong> rode in taxis to avoid city buses.<br />
Photo by Don Cravens Courtesy Time Life. Pictures/Getty Images.<br />
121
Boycotters riding in a “mobile church.” Transportation provided church<br />
donations.<br />
Courtesy AP/Wide World Photos. Smithsonian Museum<br />
122
Boycotters were prone to receiving tickets from Montgomery police for<br />
supporting a boycott on a public business, or for operating a taxi without a<br />
license.<br />
Photo by Don Cravens Courtesy Time Life/Getty Images<br />
123
Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King Jr. was arrested in February 1956 for encouraging an illegal<br />
boycott of a public business.<br />
Time Life Pictures/Getty Images Smithsonian Museum.<br />
124
Jo Ann Robinson in her arrest photo for following an illegal boycott of a city<br />
business. February 1956.<br />
Montgomery County Archives.<br />
125
E. D. Nixon sitting for arrest photo for following an illegal boycott of a public<br />
business.<br />
Montgomery County Archives.<br />
126
Documents<br />
1<br />
The Montgomery Advertiser article (December 4, 1955) reporting <strong>the</strong> start of <strong>the</strong><br />
Boycott<br />
127
1<br />
Code of <strong>the</strong> City of Montgomery, Alabama. Charlottesville: Michie City<br />
Publishing Co., 1952. Alabama Department of Archives <strong>and</strong> History,<br />
Montgomery, Alabama<br />
128
2<br />
Inez Jessie Baskin Papers, Alabama Department of Archives <strong>and</strong> History,<br />
Montgomery, Alabama.<br />
129
3<br />
Judge Eugene Carter Papers, Box 11, folder 1. Alabama Department of<br />
Archives <strong>and</strong> History, Montgomery, Alabama<br />
130
1<br />
Browder, et al v. Gayle, et. al;<br />
U.S. District Court for Middle District of Alabama, Nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
(Montgomery) Division Record Group 21: Records of <strong>the</strong> District Court<br />
of <strong>the</strong> United States National Archives <strong>and</strong> Records Administration-<br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Region, East Point, GA.<br />
131
Browder, et al v. Gayle, et. al;<br />
U.S. District Court for Middle District of Alabama, Nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
(Montgomery) Division Record Group 21: Records of <strong>the</strong> District<br />
Court of <strong>the</strong> United States<br />
National Archives <strong>and</strong> Records Administration-Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Region,<br />
East Point, GA.<br />
1<br />
132
1<br />
Browder, et al v. Gayle, et. al;<br />
U.S. District Court for Middle District of Alabama, Nor<strong>the</strong>rn (Montgomery)<br />
Division Record Group 21: Records of <strong>the</strong> District Court of <strong>the</strong> United States<br />
National Archives <strong>and</strong> Records Administration-Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Region, East Point,<br />
GA.<br />
133
1<br />
Civil Case 1147 Browder, et al v. Gayle, et. al;<br />
U.S. District Court for Middle District of Alabama, Nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
(Montgomery) Division Record Group 21: Records of <strong>the</strong> District Court<br />
of <strong>the</strong> United States. National Archives <strong>and</strong> Records Administration-<br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Region, East Point, GA.<br />
134
We, [Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r] King <strong>and</strong> I, went to <strong>the</strong> meeting toge<strong>the</strong>r. It was drizzling; I had<br />
been working up until <strong>the</strong> last minute on <strong>the</strong> resolutions. I was given instructions: one, to<br />
call off <strong>the</strong> protest, or two, if indicated, to continue <strong>the</strong> protest until <strong>the</strong> grievances were<br />
granted. We had had a successful "one-day protest," but we feared that if we extended it<br />
beyond <strong>the</strong> first day, we might fail; it might be better after all to call <strong>the</strong> protest off, <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>n we could hold this "one-day boycott" as a threat for future negotiations. However,<br />
we were to determine whe<strong>the</strong>r to continue <strong>the</strong> protest by <strong>the</strong> size of <strong>the</strong> crowds....<br />
When we got about twenty blocks from <strong>the</strong> church we saw cars parked solid... as we got<br />
closer to <strong>the</strong> church we saw a great mass of people. The Montgomery Advertiser<br />
estimated <strong>the</strong> crowd at approximately 7,000 persons all trying to get in a church that will<br />
accommodate less than 1,000. It took us about fifteen minutes to work our way through<br />
<strong>the</strong> crowd by pleading: "Please let us through—-we are Reverend King <strong>and</strong> Reverend<br />
Abernathy. Please permit us to get through...."<br />
Those inside applauded for at least ten minutes.<br />
2<br />
It was apparent that <strong>the</strong> people were with us. It was <strong>the</strong>n that all of <strong>the</strong> ministers who had<br />
previously refused to take part in <strong>the</strong> program came up to Reverend King <strong>and</strong> me to offer<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir services. This expression of toge<strong>the</strong>rness on <strong>the</strong> part of <strong>the</strong> masses was obviously an<br />
inspiration to <strong>the</strong> leadership <strong>and</strong> helped to rid it of <strong>the</strong> cowardly, submissive, over<br />
timidity.<br />
We began <strong>the</strong> meeting by singing Onward Christian Soldiers, Marching as to War ....<br />
Mrs. Rosa Parks was presented to <strong>the</strong> mass meeting because we wanted her to become<br />
symbolic of our protest movement. Following her we presented Mr. Daniels, who happily<br />
for our meeting had been arrested on that day.... The appearance of <strong>the</strong>se persons created<br />
enthusiasm, <strong>the</strong>reby giving momentum to <strong>the</strong> movement.<br />
We <strong>the</strong>n heard <strong>the</strong> resolutions calling for <strong>the</strong> continuation of <strong>the</strong> boycott... unanimously<br />
<strong>and</strong> enthusiastically adopted by <strong>the</strong> 7,000 individuals both inside <strong>and</strong> outside <strong>the</strong><br />
church....<br />
Ralph Abernathy, "Recollection of <strong>the</strong> First MIA Mass Meeting," in Daybreak of<br />
Freedom: The Montgomery Bus Boycott, ed. Stewart Burns (Chapel Hill, NC: The<br />
University of North Carolina Press, 1997), pp. 93-95; from George Mason University<br />
Center for History <strong>and</strong> New Media <strong>and</strong> Stanford University School of Education,<br />
"Rosa Parks," Historical Thinking Matters.<br />
135
Dear Sir:<br />
The Women’s Political Council is very grateful to you <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> City Commissioners for<br />
<strong>the</strong> hearing you allowed our representative during <strong>the</strong> month of March, 1954, when <strong>the</strong><br />
“city-bus-fare-increase case” was being reviewed. There were several things <strong>the</strong> Council<br />
asked for:<br />
1. A city law that would make it possible for Negroes to sit from back toward front, <strong>and</strong><br />
whites from front toward back until all <strong>the</strong> seats are taken.<br />
2. That Negroes not be asked or forced to pay fare at front <strong>and</strong> go to <strong>the</strong> rear of <strong>the</strong> bus to<br />
enter.<br />
3. That busses stop at every corner in residential sections occupied by Negroes as <strong>the</strong>y do<br />
in communities where whites reside.<br />
We are happy to report that busses have begun stopping at more corners now in some<br />
sections where Negroes live than previously. However, <strong>the</strong> same practices in seating <strong>and</strong><br />
boarding <strong>the</strong> bus continue.<br />
Mayor Gayle, three-fourths of <strong>the</strong> riders of <strong>the</strong>se public conveyances are Negroes. If<br />
Negroes did not patronize <strong>the</strong>m, <strong>the</strong>y could not possibly operate.<br />
More <strong>and</strong> more of our people are already arranging with neighbors <strong>and</strong> friends to ride to<br />
keep from being insulted <strong>and</strong> humiliated by bus drivers.<br />
There has been talk from twenty-five or more local organizations of planning a city-wide<br />
boycott of busses. We, sir, do not feel that forceful measures are necessary in bargaining<br />
for a convenience which is right for all bus passengers. . . .<br />
Please consider this plea, <strong>and</strong> if possible, act favorably upon it, for even now plans are<br />
being made to ride less, or not at all, on our busses. We do not want this.<br />
Respectfully yours,<br />
The Women’s Political Council<br />
Jo Ann Robinson, President<br />
1<br />
Clayborne Carson, et al, eds., The Eyes on <strong>the</strong> Prize Civil Rights Reader (New York:<br />
Penguin Books, 1991), 44-45; also from Historical Thinking Matters,<br />
136
1<br />
This stuff has been going on for a long time. To tell you <strong>the</strong> truth,<br />
it's been happening ever since I came here before [World War II].<br />
But here in <strong>the</strong> last few years <strong>the</strong>y've been getting worse <strong>and</strong><br />
worse. When you get on <strong>the</strong> bus <strong>the</strong>y yell: "Get on back <strong>the</strong>re"...<br />
<strong>and</strong> half of <strong>the</strong> time <strong>the</strong>y wouldn't take your transfer, <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong>y<br />
make you get up so white men could sit down [when] <strong>the</strong>re were<br />
no seats in <strong>the</strong> back. And you know about a year ago <strong>the</strong>y put one<br />
of <strong>the</strong> high school girls in jail 'cause she wouldn't move. They<br />
should have boycotted <strong>the</strong> buses <strong>the</strong>n. But we are sure fixing 'em<br />
now <strong>and</strong> I hope we don't ever start back riding....<br />
They shouldn't make me get up for some white person when I<br />
paid <strong>the</strong> same fare <strong>and</strong> I got on first. And <strong>the</strong>y should stop being<br />
so nasty... We pay just like <strong>the</strong> white folks... [The bus<br />
companies] are <strong>the</strong> ones losing <strong>the</strong> money <strong>and</strong> our preachers say<br />
we will not ride unless <strong>the</strong>y give us what we want...<br />
Excerpt from an interview conducted by Willie Lee (researcher,<br />
Fisk University), January 1956; from George Mason University<br />
Center for History <strong>and</strong> New Media <strong>and</strong> Stanford University<br />
School of Education, Historical Thinking Matters.<br />
137
When in <strong>the</strong> course of human events it becomes necessary to abolish <strong>the</strong> Negro race,<br />
proper methods should be used. Among <strong>the</strong>se are guns, bows <strong>and</strong> arrows, sling shots <strong>and</strong><br />
knives.<br />
We hold <strong>the</strong>se truths to be self evident that all whites are created equal with certain<br />
rights; among <strong>the</strong>se are life, liberty <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> pursuit of dead niggers.<br />
In every stage of <strong>the</strong> bus boycott we have been oppressed <strong>and</strong> degraded because of black<br />
slimy, juicy, unbearably stinking niggers. The conduct should not be dwelt upon because<br />
behind <strong>the</strong>m <strong>the</strong>y have an ancestral background of Pigmies, head hunters <strong>and</strong> snot<br />
suckers.<br />
My friends it is time we wised up to <strong>the</strong>se black devils. I tell you <strong>the</strong>y are a group of two<br />
legged agitators who persist in walking up <strong>and</strong> down our streets protruding <strong>the</strong>ir black<br />
lips. If we don’t stop helping <strong>the</strong>se African flesh eaters, we will soon wake up <strong>and</strong> find<br />
Rev. King in <strong>the</strong> White House.<br />
LET’S GET ON THE BALL WHITE CITIZENS.<br />
The Book "Declaration of Segregation" will appear April, 1956. If this appeals to you be<br />
sure to read <strong>the</strong> book.<br />
H<strong>and</strong>bill produced by <strong>the</strong> Central Alabama Citizens Council, February 10, 1956.<br />
Montgomery, Alabama.<br />
1<br />
138
Rosa Parks, Appellant<br />
VS<br />
City of Montgomery, Appellee<br />
Appealed to Court of Appeals of Alabama From: Circuit Court of Montgomery County<br />
Feb. 12, 1957 Affirmed--[illegible signature]<br />
Agreed Stipulation of Facts<br />
Attached hereto <strong>and</strong> marked Exhibit "A" is a plan of <strong>the</strong> seating arrangement of <strong>the</strong> bus<br />
on which <strong>the</strong> alleged violation occurred. There were thirty-six seats assigned for<br />
passengers. Just prior to <strong>the</strong> alleged violation by <strong>the</strong> defendant <strong>the</strong> ten front seats were<br />
assigned for white persons <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> back twenty-six seats were assigned for negroes. The<br />
defendant was sitting on one of <strong>the</strong> first dual seats immediately behind those occupied by<br />
white passengers <strong>and</strong> all seats assigned to whites were occupied <strong>and</strong> all st<strong>and</strong>ing room in<br />
that section was taken. Negroes were also st<strong>and</strong>ing in <strong>the</strong> negro section. The evidence is<br />
in dispute as to whe<strong>the</strong>r or not <strong>the</strong>re were vacant seats in <strong>the</strong> negro section. In order to<br />
take on more white passengers who were at that time waiting to board <strong>the</strong> bus <strong>the</strong> driver,<br />
<strong>the</strong> agent in charge, requested <strong>the</strong> passengers on <strong>the</strong> row of seats immediately in <strong>the</strong> rear<br />
of <strong>the</strong> white section to give up <strong>the</strong>ir seats to white passengers. This would have made four<br />
more seats available to whites <strong>and</strong> under such reassignment <strong>the</strong> white section would have<br />
been increased to fourteen seats <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> negro section decreased to twenty-two seats. The<br />
defendant, a negro, refused to move in accordance with <strong>the</strong> request of <strong>the</strong> bus driver, <strong>the</strong><br />
agent in charge, <strong>and</strong> was arrested for such refusal.<br />
The defendant was convicted in <strong>the</strong> Recorders Court of <strong>the</strong> City of Montgomery,<br />
Alabama, <strong>and</strong> appealed to this Court where <strong>the</strong> case is at issue.<br />
Respectfully submitted,<br />
D. Eugene Loe<br />
Fred D. Gray<br />
Charles D. Langford Feb. 22, 1956<br />
Filed in open court <strong>and</strong> made a part of record of this case.<br />
Carter, Judge<br />
4<br />
Excerpt from <strong>the</strong> brief filed on behalf of Rosa Parks in Parks vs. City of<br />
Montgomery. Filed in <strong>the</strong> Court of Appeals, Montgomery, Alabama, March 28,<br />
1956. Signed by D. Eugene Loe, attorney for <strong>the</strong> city of Montgomery, <strong>and</strong> Fred D.<br />
Gray <strong>and</strong> Charles D. Langford, attorneys for Rosa Parks<br />
139
2<br />
26 January 1956<br />
Complaint of City of Montgomery Against Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, Jr. The King<br />
Institute Stanford.<br />
140
At 9:30 P.M., 30 January, a single stick of dynamite exploded on <strong>the</strong> King family's porch;<br />
Coretta Scott King <strong>and</strong> a friend, Dexter member Mary Lucy Williams, had been in <strong>the</strong><br />
living room when <strong>the</strong>y heard an object l<strong>and</strong> on <strong>the</strong> front porch. They bolted to <strong>the</strong> back<br />
room, where King's daughter Yol<strong>and</strong>a was sleeping, just as <strong>the</strong> dynamite exploded,<br />
ripping a hole in <strong>the</strong> porch floor, shattering four windows, <strong>and</strong> damaging a porch<br />
column. King arrived home about fifteen minutes later to find a large <strong>and</strong> boisterous<br />
crowd--many apparently armed--ga<strong>the</strong>red outside <strong>and</strong> refusing to obey police orders to<br />
disperse. When he walked onto <strong>the</strong> porch, one onlooker reported, “<strong>the</strong> people let out with<br />
cheers that could be heard blocks away. With <strong>the</strong> raising of his h<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y became quiet to<br />
hear what he had to say.” In his remarks, King asked <strong>the</strong> crowd to go home peacefully.<br />
Police Commissioner Clyde Sellers <strong>and</strong> Mayor W A. Gayle addressed <strong>the</strong> crowd next,<br />
promising to investigate <strong>the</strong> bombing <strong>and</strong> to defend <strong>the</strong> King family against future<br />
attacks. King spoke to <strong>the</strong> ga<strong>the</strong>ring again, urging <strong>the</strong>m to be calm. The crowd <strong>the</strong>n broke<br />
into spontaneous song, including hymns <strong>and</strong> “My Country, ’Tis of Thee,” before finally<br />
dispersing at 10:45 P.M. ” The following comments by King were quoted in <strong>the</strong><br />
Montgomery Advertiser article by Joe Azbell published <strong>the</strong> next day.<br />
141<br />
“We believe in law <strong>and</strong> order. Don’t get panicky. Don’t do anything panicky at all. Don’t<br />
get your weapons. He who lives by <strong>the</strong> sword will perish by <strong>the</strong> sword. Remember that is<br />
what God said. We are not advocating violence. We want to love our enemies. I want you<br />
to love our enemies. Be good to <strong>the</strong>m. Love <strong>the</strong>m <strong>and</strong> let <strong>the</strong>m know you love <strong>the</strong>m. I did<br />
not start this boycott. I was asked by you to serve as your spokesman. I want it to be<br />
known <strong>the</strong> length <strong>and</strong> breadth of this l<strong>and</strong> that if I am stopped this movement will not<br />
stop. If I am stopped our work will not stop. For what we are doing is right. What we are<br />
doing is just. And God is with us.” [quotations from Gayle, Sellers, <strong>and</strong> Sheriff Mac Sim<br />
Butler omitted]<br />
The Rev. King addressed <strong>the</strong> crowd again saying “go home <strong>and</strong> sleep calm. Go home <strong>and</strong><br />
don’t worry. Be calm as I <strong>and</strong> my family are. We are not hurt <strong>and</strong> remember that if<br />
anything happens to me, <strong>the</strong>re will be o<strong>the</strong>rs to take my place.”<br />
PD. Montgomery Advertiser, 31 January 1956.<br />
2
To The National City Lines, Inc.<br />
616 South Michigan Ave., Chicago, Ill.<br />
Over a period of years <strong>the</strong> Negro passengers on <strong>the</strong> Montgomery City Lines, Inc. have<br />
been subjected to humiliation, threats, intimidation, <strong>and</strong> death through bus driver action.<br />
The Negro has been inconvenienced in <strong>the</strong> use of <strong>the</strong> city bus lines by <strong>the</strong> operators in all<br />
instances in which <strong>the</strong> bus has been crowded. He has been forced to give up his seat if a<br />
white person has been st<strong>and</strong>ing.<br />
142<br />
Repeated conferences with <strong>the</strong> bus officials have met with failure. Today a meeting was<br />
held with Mr. J. H. Bagley <strong>and</strong> Attorney Jack Crenshaw as representatives of <strong>the</strong> bus<br />
company, <strong>and</strong> Mayor W. A. Gayle <strong>and</strong> Associate Commissioners Frank Parks <strong>and</strong> Clyde<br />
Sellers. At which time as an attempt to end <strong>the</strong> Monday through Thursday protest, <strong>the</strong><br />
following three proposals were made:<br />
1. Courteous treatment by bus drivers.<br />
2. Seating of Negro passengers from rear to front of bus, <strong>and</strong> white passengers from<br />
front to rear on “first-come-first-serve basis with no seats reserved for any race.<br />
3. Employment of Negro bus operators in predominantly Negro residential sections.<br />
The above proposals, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> resolutions which will follow, were drafted <strong>and</strong> adopted in<br />
a mass meeting of more than 5,000 regular bus riders. These proposals were denied in<br />
<strong>the</strong> meeting with <strong>the</strong> city officials <strong>and</strong> representatives of <strong>the</strong> bus company.<br />
Since 44% of <strong>the</strong> city’s population is Negro, <strong>and</strong> since 75% of <strong>the</strong> bus riders are Negro,<br />
we urge you to send a representative to Montgomery to arbitrate.<br />
The Montgomery Improvement Association<br />
The Rev. M. L. King, Pres.<br />
The Rev. U. J. Fields, Sec’y.<br />
TLc. MLW-MBU: Box 6.<br />
8 December 1955 To <strong>the</strong> National City Lines, Inc. Montgomery, Ala. The King<br />
Institute Stanford University.<br />
1
1<br />
2 December 1955 Leaflet, “Don’t Ride <strong>the</strong> Bus,” Come to a Mass Meeting on 5<br />
December. The King Institute Stanford University.<br />
143
2<br />
This is a historic week because segregation on buses has now been declared<br />
unconstitutional. Within a few days <strong>the</strong> Supreme Court M<strong>and</strong>ate will reach Montgomery<br />
<strong>and</strong> you will be reboarding integrated buses. This places upon us all a tremendous<br />
responsibility of maintaining, in face of what could be some unpleasantness, a calm <strong>and</strong><br />
loving dignity befitting good citizens<br />
<strong>and</strong> members of our Race. If <strong>the</strong>re is violence in word or deed it must not be our people<br />
who commit it.<br />
For your help <strong>and</strong> convenience <strong>the</strong> following suggestions are made. Will you read, study<br />
<strong>and</strong> memorize <strong>the</strong>m so that our non-violent determination may not be endangered. First,<br />
some general suggestions:<br />
1. Not all white people are opposed to integrated buses. Accept goodwill on <strong>the</strong> part of<br />
many.<br />
2. The whole bus is now for <strong>the</strong> use of all people. Take a vacant seat.<br />
3. Pray for guidance <strong>and</strong> commit yourself to complete non-violence in word <strong>and</strong> action as<br />
you enter <strong>the</strong> bus.<br />
4. Demonstrate <strong>the</strong> calm dignity of our Montgomery people in your actions.<br />
5. In all things observe ordinary rules of courtesy <strong>and</strong> good behavior.<br />
6. Remember that this is not a victory for Negroes alone, but for all Montgomery <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
South. Do not boast! Do not brag!<br />
7. Be quiet but friendly; proud, but not arrogant; joyous, but not boisterous.<br />
8. Be loving enough to absorb evil <strong>and</strong> underst<strong>and</strong>ing enough to turn an enemy into a<br />
friend.<br />
Now for some specific suggestions:<br />
1. The bus driver is in charge of <strong>the</strong> bus <strong>and</strong> has been instructed to obey <strong>the</strong> law. Assume<br />
that he will cooperate in helping you occupy any vacant seat.<br />
2. Do not deliberately sit by a white person, unless <strong>the</strong>re is no o<strong>the</strong>r seat.<br />
144
3. In sitting down by a person, white or colored, say "May I" or "Pardon me" as you sit.<br />
This is a common courtesy.<br />
4. If cursed, do not curse back. If pushed, do not push back. If struck, do not strike back,<br />
but evidence love <strong>and</strong> goodwill at all times.<br />
5. In case of an incident, talk as little as possible, <strong>and</strong> always in a quiet tone. Do not get<br />
up from your seat! Report all serious incidents to <strong>the</strong> bus driver.<br />
6. For <strong>the</strong> first few days try to get on <strong>the</strong> bus with a friend in whose non-violence you<br />
have confidence. You can uphold one ano<strong>the</strong>r by glance or prayer.<br />
7. If ano<strong>the</strong>r person is being molested, do not arise to go to his defense, but pray for <strong>the</strong><br />
oppressor <strong>and</strong> use moral <strong>and</strong> spiritual forces to carry on <strong>the</strong> struggle for justice.<br />
8. According to your own ability <strong>and</strong> personality, do not be afraid to experiment with<br />
new <strong>and</strong> creative techniques for achieving reconciliation <strong>and</strong> <strong>social</strong> change.<br />
9. If you feel you cannot take it, walk for ano<strong>the</strong>r week or two. We have confidence in<br />
our people.<br />
GOD BLESS YOU ALL.<br />
THE MONTGOMERY IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION<br />
The Rev. M. L. King, Jr., President<br />
The Rev. W. J. Powell, Secretary<br />
Inez Jessie Baskin Papers, Alabama Department of Archives <strong>and</strong> History,<br />
Montgomery, Alabama, http://www.alabamamoments.state.al.us/sec55ps.html.<br />
145
2<br />
A group of 18 persons met at <strong>the</strong> Mt. Zion A.M.E. Zion Church at 3 P.M.<br />
Officers were elected:<br />
Chairman—Rev. M. L. King<br />
Vice Chairman—Rev. Roy Bennett<br />
Recording Sec.—Rev. U. J. Fields<br />
Corresponding Sec.—Rev. E. N. French<br />
Financial Sec.—Mrs. Erna Dungee<br />
Treasurer—E. D. Nixon<br />
The Montgomery Improvement Association<br />
Moved <strong>and</strong> second that <strong>the</strong> 16 persons here <strong>and</strong> a suggestion that 9 names be brought in<br />
making 25 which constitute <strong>the</strong> Executive Committee<br />
It was recommended that resolutions would be drawned up. Resolution Committee<br />
Rev. Abernathy Chairman<br />
Rev Alford<br />
Mr Gray<br />
Mr. Nixon<br />
Rev. Glasco<br />
The president, Rev. M. L. King, attorney Gray <strong>and</strong> attorney Langford is on <strong>the</strong><br />
committee. The program would be tape recorded at its Holt Street Baptist Church. It was<br />
agreed that <strong>the</strong> protest be continued until conditions are improved.It was passed that <strong>the</strong><br />
recommendations from <strong>the</strong> committee be given to <strong>the</strong> citizens at <strong>the</strong> night meeting.<br />
Opening Hymn Onward Christian Soldier<br />
1. Prayer—Rev Alford<br />
2. Scripture Rev. Fields<br />
3. Occassion—Rev. King<br />
Presentation of Mrs. Parks—Rev. French<br />
Fred [Daniels]<br />
4. Resolutions—Rev. Abernathy<br />
Vote on Recomendations<br />
5. Offering—Rev Bonner<br />
6. Closing Hymn—My Country Tis of Thee<br />
7. Benediction—Rev. Roy Bennett<br />
5 December 1955. Minutes of Montgomery Improvement Association Founding<br />
Meeting, by U.J. Fields. Montgomery, Ala. The King Institute Stanford University.<br />
146
Interviews<br />
Claudette Colvin<br />
By Sebastian Kitchen<br />
Montgomery Advertiser<br />
Claudette Colvin could be a common name in every modern U.S. history book, but <strong>the</strong><br />
protest of ano<strong>the</strong>r woman nine months later became <strong>the</strong> rallying cry for <strong>the</strong> Montgomery<br />
Bus Boycott.<br />
Colvin, <strong>the</strong>n a 15-year old student at Booker T. Washington, was arrested for her refusal<br />
to give up a bus seat in 1955, but it was ano<strong>the</strong>r woman <strong>and</strong> ano<strong>the</strong>r arrest nine months<br />
later that would capture people's attention <strong>and</strong> be noted in modern American history<br />
books.<br />
Colvin was arrested in March 1955, nine months before Rosa Parks refused to give up her<br />
seat.<br />
"She made something out of what I started," Colvin said.<br />
Colvin feels her disobedience was <strong>the</strong> spark for much of <strong>the</strong> movement's fire.<br />
"I can look <strong>and</strong> say that it spread," she said.<br />
Many civil rights leaders believe <strong>the</strong> boycott <strong>and</strong> Parks as people know <strong>the</strong>m today may<br />
have been completely different without Colvin's actions.<br />
While Parks is well known for her refusal to move in December 1955, Colvin is largely<br />
unknown, not even a footnote in most history books.<br />
And while Parks is associated with <strong>the</strong> boycott <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> desegregation of buses, it was four<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r women that were <strong>the</strong> plaintiffs in <strong>the</strong> U.S. Supreme Court case that desegregated<br />
buses.<br />
Colvin was a plaintiff in <strong>the</strong> Browder v. Gayle lawsuit that desegregated buses. Parks was<br />
not.<br />
Civil rights attorney Fred Gray always discusses Colvin when he speaks about <strong>the</strong><br />
boycott <strong>and</strong> about Parks. He points out <strong>the</strong> boycott <strong>and</strong> its place in history would have<br />
been vastly different without Colvin's action.<br />
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People including Georgette Norman, director of <strong>the</strong> Rosa Parks Library <strong>and</strong> Museum, <strong>and</strong><br />
Gray note Colvin was a part of <strong>the</strong> case that changed <strong>the</strong> law.<br />
She is one of two living women who were plaintiffs from <strong>the</strong> lawsuit including Mary<br />
Louise Smith. Even though Smith continues to live in Montgomery, she much like<br />
Colvin, has received little recognition for her action.<br />
Colvin will be recognized in <strong>the</strong> addition to <strong>the</strong> museum, which will be completed for <strong>the</strong><br />
50th anniversary. There will be a photo of her <strong>and</strong> a description of her role in <strong>the</strong> civil<br />
rights movement. There is little recognition of her in <strong>the</strong> current museum.<br />
Colvin, now 66 <strong>and</strong> retired, said she is not angry, but she is disappointed. She does not<br />
know why more effort was not made to tell her story.<br />
"I feel like I am getting my Christmas in January ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong> 25th," Colvin said.<br />
When <strong>the</strong> 25th anniversary of <strong>the</strong> boycott arrived, she expected <strong>the</strong> four plaintiffs from<br />
<strong>the</strong> lawsuit to be recognized.<br />
"We were <strong>the</strong> ones who ended it," Colvin said of segregation on buses. "They didn't'<br />
mention us."<br />
Colvin said her civil disobedience in 1955 came soon after studying her heritage in<br />
school <strong>and</strong> hearing teachers talk about <strong>the</strong> injustices against African Americans,<br />
including <strong>the</strong> Jim Crow laws. She was inspired <strong>and</strong> supported by two teachers.<br />
"I guess I was <strong>the</strong> only one who took it seriously," Colvin said.<br />
Nobody had ever needed to ask Colvin to move before that day in March 1955. She was<br />
quiet <strong>and</strong> followed <strong>the</strong> laws of society, even though <strong>the</strong>y may not have been written laws.<br />
Nothing specific prompted her to refuse to move that day, to remain in her seat as <strong>the</strong> bus<br />
continued to fill with white riders.<br />
"I just said I am not going to take this any more," Colvin said. "I was not breaking <strong>the</strong><br />
law."<br />
She said her books were thrown from <strong>the</strong> bus <strong>and</strong> two officers, each grabbing an arm,<br />
dragged her off of <strong>the</strong> bus.<br />
"I told <strong>the</strong>m it was my constitutional right," Colvin said. "I paid my fare."<br />
She was taken to City Hall in a police car, was booked <strong>and</strong> placed in <strong>the</strong> adult jail.<br />
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Neighbors, fellow students <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs in <strong>the</strong> community began to think of Colvin as a<br />
troublemaker, she said.<br />
"They distanced <strong>the</strong>mselves from me," Colvin said of fellow students. "They didn't want<br />
to be close to me because of my beliefs."<br />
She is proud she acted <strong>and</strong> proud she disobeyed.<br />
Colvin also realizes it was just a matter of time before someone acted.<br />
"The revolution was already here," she said. "If it wasn't me, it would have been<br />
somebody."<br />
Colvin, who was in her teens, pregnant within months of <strong>the</strong> arrest <strong>and</strong> subsequently<br />
dropped out of school, was not chosen as <strong>the</strong> test case challenging segregation on city<br />
buses.<br />
"That's why <strong>the</strong>y chose not to use me as <strong>the</strong> test case," she said.<br />
Colvin said <strong>the</strong>y wanted Parks to be <strong>the</strong> icon, but she is glad she acted.<br />
"She did what she had to do <strong>and</strong> made something of it," she said.<br />
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Rosa Parks<br />
By Jannell McGrew<br />
Montgomery Advertiser<br />
December 1, 2000<br />
When ordered by bus driver James F. Blake that she must yield her seat in <strong>the</strong> first row of<br />
<strong>the</strong> black section of a Montgomery bus to a white man, Parks, <strong>the</strong>n 42, said no.<br />
"God sat with me," Parks said this week, "as I remained calm <strong>and</strong> determined not to be<br />
treated with less dignity than any o<strong>the</strong>r citizen of Montgomery."<br />
She was arrested, fingerprinted, put behind bars, <strong>the</strong>n bailed out. O<strong>the</strong>rs had been arrested<br />
for defying <strong>the</strong> segregation laws, so Parks' arrest garnered little attention from many in<br />
Montgomery - including this newspaper, which gave it a scant five paragraphs next to a<br />
jewelry store ad at <strong>the</strong> bottom of an inside page.<br />
But this was different. Parks was a respected, well-regarded black laborer who worked<br />
for a downtown department store. She had many white friends, who didn't peg her a<br />
troublemaker, someone looking to cause a ruckus or make a st<strong>and</strong>.<br />
Perhaps that's why Parks caused <strong>the</strong> first domino to fall in a long line that led to <strong>the</strong><br />
demise of laws that kept blacks at <strong>the</strong> back of <strong>the</strong> bus.<br />
Her arrest caused <strong>the</strong> civil rights movement to move. It brought to <strong>the</strong> forefront a young<br />
Montgomery preacher, <strong>the</strong> Rev. Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King, who would go on to galvanize <strong>the</strong><br />
nation. And <strong>the</strong> boycott of <strong>the</strong> bus system that followed showed how non-violence <strong>and</strong><br />
solidarity could be effective against oppression.<br />
It's been said that Parks shrugs her shoulders when she's called "<strong>the</strong> mo<strong>the</strong>r of <strong>the</strong> civil<br />
rights movement." But she cannot dispute this: Her decision to stay in her seat on that<br />
December day was <strong>the</strong> beginning of <strong>the</strong> end of Jim Crow.<br />
"Back <strong>the</strong>n," Parks said in an interview with <strong>the</strong> Chicago Tribune, "we didn't have any<br />
civil rights. It was just a matter of survival, of existing from one day to <strong>the</strong> next. I<br />
remember going to sleep as a girl hearing <strong>the</strong> Klan ride at night <strong>and</strong> hearing a lynching<br />
<strong>and</strong> being afraid <strong>the</strong> house would burn down."<br />
After attending Alabama State Teachers College, now Alabama State University, she<br />
married Raymond Parks in 1932 <strong>and</strong> made a home in Montgomery. Few are aware that<br />
both Parks - husb<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> wife - were active in many early struggles for equality.<br />
150
"Self taught with minimal formal education, Raymond (her husb<strong>and</strong>) was a skilled<br />
barber. Rosa, a domestic worker <strong>and</strong> seamstress, finished high school after her marriage<br />
to Raymond," <strong>the</strong> institute's history reads. "They both encouraged o<strong>the</strong>rs to register to<br />
vote, pool <strong>the</strong>ir financial resources, advocate for quality formal education <strong>and</strong> become<br />
involved in community development."<br />
Douglas Brinkley, author of a recently released biography, "Rosa Parks," <strong>and</strong> a history<br />
professor at <strong>the</strong> University of New Orleans, said <strong>the</strong> couple worked toge<strong>the</strong>r to gain<br />
rights for blacks.<br />
"It was Raymond who helped trigger Rosa Parks' commitment to fighting <strong>social</strong> injustice<br />
through <strong>the</strong> NAACP," Brinkley said.<br />
In 1943, Rosa Parks became one of <strong>the</strong> first women to join Montgomery's chapter of <strong>the</strong><br />
National Association for <strong>the</strong> Advancement of Colored People.<br />
That same year, she worked with <strong>the</strong> NAACP's state president, E.D. Nixon, to mobilize a<br />
voter registration drive in Montgomery <strong>and</strong> was elected secretary of <strong>the</strong> Montgomery<br />
branch, a post she held until 1956.<br />
"I worked on numerous cases with <strong>the</strong> NAACP," Parks said, "but we did not get <strong>the</strong><br />
publicity. There were cases of flogging, peonage, murder <strong>and</strong> rape. We didn't seem to<br />
have too many successes. It was more a matter of trying to challenge <strong>the</strong> powers that be<br />
<strong>and</strong> to let it be known that we did not wish to continue being second-class citizens.<br />
"...No one enjoyed segregation, but it had to be tolerated. I helped train <strong>the</strong> youth of <strong>the</strong><br />
NAACP to peacefully protest segregation in <strong>the</strong> Montgomery Public Library." Becoming<br />
a legend<br />
Popular legend has it that when Parks refused to give up her seat to a white man 45 years<br />
ago, she was tired <strong>and</strong> weary from a long day of work. The tale - told <strong>and</strong> retold countless<br />
times as <strong>the</strong> movement took hold - painted a vivid picture.<br />
But was she tired because of her job that day? Or was she tired of subjecting herself to<br />
segregation - <strong>and</strong> knew if she defied <strong>the</strong> law, she would be arrested?<br />
"Rosa Parks was physically tired but no more than anyone else after a long day of<br />
working," she said. "But what she was really 'sick <strong>and</strong> tired' of was <strong>the</strong> unfair treatment<br />
of blacks throughout <strong>the</strong> South.<br />
"She was just tired of taking this, <strong>and</strong> she just said, 'I'm not going to take any more,'"<br />
Lowery said.<br />
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The NAACP, eager for <strong>the</strong> movement to take hold, capitalized on <strong>the</strong> "tired" reference to<br />
gain support, Brinkley said.<br />
"After Rosa Parks was arrested <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> boycott began, <strong>the</strong> NAACP was dogged in its<br />
effort to showcase Rosa Parks as being <strong>the</strong> tired seamstress in every woman - a woman<br />
whose feet were tired one day <strong>and</strong> refused to give up her bus seat," he said.<br />
"In order for <strong>the</strong> NAACP to get money for <strong>the</strong> movement, <strong>the</strong>y had to make sure she<br />
wasn't seen as a communist or <strong>social</strong>ist or some anti-American troublemaker. They went<br />
out of <strong>the</strong>ir way to downplay Rosa Parks' 30-year commitment to civil rights."<br />
But Parks has said numerous times that she was weary of <strong>the</strong> treatment she <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
blacks received every day of <strong>the</strong>ir lives.<br />
"Our mistreatment was just not right, <strong>and</strong> I was tired of it," writes Parks in one of her<br />
books.<br />
"I kept thinking about my mo<strong>the</strong>r <strong>and</strong> my gr<strong>and</strong>parents <strong>and</strong> how strong <strong>the</strong>y were. I knew<br />
<strong>the</strong>re was a possibility of being mistreated, but an opportunity was being given to me to<br />
do what I had asked of o<strong>the</strong>rs."<br />
Before her arrest, Parks often showed her distaste for segregation in her own quiet way.<br />
She walked up <strong>the</strong> stairs of buildings, for instance, ra<strong>the</strong>r than riding an elevator marked<br />
"blacks only."<br />
Brinkley said <strong>the</strong> thought that her arrest was a purely spontaneous event "has cheated her<br />
out of her true historic role as one of <strong>the</strong> most prominent grass-roots activists of our<br />
century.<br />
"They wanted to make her into a mythological figure beyond reproach, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y<br />
succeeded," he said.<br />
Robert Nesbitt, 91, was a deacon at Dexter Avenue Baptist Church, <strong>the</strong> congregation led<br />
by <strong>the</strong> Rev. King, at <strong>the</strong> time of Parks' arrest. He said he clearly recalls <strong>the</strong> events<br />
surrounding <strong>the</strong> boycott.<br />
"When E.D. Nixon went <strong>and</strong> bonded her out, we had meetings about it. We decided that<br />
we would not ride <strong>the</strong> buses <strong>and</strong> that we would boycott," Nesbitt said. "We (later)<br />
decided to boycott <strong>the</strong> buses until our dem<strong>and</strong>s were met."<br />
The Montgomery Improvement Association, led by King, called for a boycott of <strong>the</strong> cityowned<br />
bus company. The boycott lasted 381 days <strong>and</strong> brought Parks, King <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
cause to <strong>the</strong> attention of <strong>the</strong> world.<br />
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The boycott drew to a close shortly after <strong>the</strong> U.S. Supreme Court ruled against <strong>the</strong><br />
Montgomery ordinance that caused Parks' arrest, thus outlawing racial segregation on<br />
public transportation in <strong>the</strong> city <strong>and</strong> throughout <strong>the</strong> South.<br />
"One could say that Mrs. Parks' refusal to surrender her seat ... created an ever widening<br />
ripple of change throughout <strong>the</strong> world," said civil rights attorney Fred Gray, who served<br />
as Parks' lawyer. "The quiet exemplification of courage, dignity <strong>and</strong> determination<br />
mobilized people of <strong>various</strong> philosophies."<br />
Brinkley said, however, he does not believe Parks was chosen by anyone to challenge <strong>the</strong><br />
system.<br />
"The bottom line is nobody chose her," Brinkley said. "She did not wake up that morning<br />
saying, "OK, I am going to get arrested. But a lifetime of injustice had brought her to that<br />
breakdown point. She had been aware that <strong>the</strong>re was a movement afoot to integrate <strong>the</strong><br />
bus transportation system."<br />
"She has always been her own woman," he added. "She's never been scripted by anybody<br />
to do what she did."<br />
Historian Gwendolyn Patton of Montgomery said, "Mrs. Parks' refusal to get out of her<br />
seat was <strong>the</strong> straw that broke <strong>the</strong> camel's back.<br />
"And <strong>the</strong> movement that ensued, <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus boycott movement, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> people<br />
were <strong>the</strong> straws that finally broke <strong>the</strong> back of Jim Crow."<br />
Parks, responding in writing to questions submitted by <strong>the</strong> Montgomery Advertiser, also<br />
said her arrest was not a planned event.<br />
"There is no way anyone could have planned that day," Parks said.<br />
"But throughout <strong>the</strong> community organizations in Montgomery, we had been planning for<br />
freedom all of our lives." Parks' legacy continues<br />
153
Fred Gray Sr.<br />
By Jannell McGrew<br />
Montgomery Advertiser<br />
When now famous civil rights attorney Fred Gray Sr. decided to be a lawyer, <strong>the</strong> first<br />
thing he wanted to do was "tear down everything segregated I could find."<br />
Gray not only was <strong>the</strong> attorney for Rosa Parks <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Rev. Martin Lu<strong>the</strong>r King Jr. -- he<br />
was <strong>the</strong>ir friend. He continues his work in civil rights today <strong>and</strong> at age 74, he continues<br />
his work in arguing court cases. But it was Montgomery's segregated buses that would be<br />
his proving ground.<br />
"The bus situation <strong>and</strong> how our people were treated on buses bo<strong>the</strong>red me," Gray said.<br />
"While I didn't have any direct altercations with anybody, I had seen many people who<br />
had, <strong>and</strong> when I looked around <strong>and</strong> realized that everything in Montgomery was<br />
completely segregated ... I just concluded <strong>the</strong>re was something wrong about all of that."<br />
Gray's route to <strong>the</strong> halls of justice was a roundabout one.<br />
Before he began studying law <strong>and</strong> learning <strong>the</strong> art of arguing a case in a courtroom, he<br />
investigated ano<strong>the</strong>r, more spiritual path.<br />
When Gray was 12, he left his native Montgomery <strong>and</strong> traveled to Tennessee to attend<br />
<strong>the</strong> Nashville Christian Institute. He was such an apt pupil that Marshall Keeble, <strong>the</strong><br />
school president, selected him to help raise funds <strong>and</strong> recruit students.<br />
He traveled around with Keeble all over <strong>the</strong> country as a boy preacher, "as a specimen of<br />
what <strong>the</strong> school produces," Gray recalled.<br />
He returned to his hometown with <strong>the</strong> hopes of doing ministry work or becoming a<br />
teacher - "two safe positions or professions for African Americans in <strong>the</strong> 1940s <strong>and</strong> early<br />
1950s," he noted.<br />
But something happened to alter his course -- <strong>the</strong> Jim Crow law, especially as it was<br />
imposed on <strong>the</strong> Montgomery bus system.<br />
Not only did blacks have to sit in <strong>the</strong> rear of buses, <strong>the</strong>y had to pay <strong>the</strong>ir fare in <strong>the</strong> front<br />
<strong>the</strong>n get out <strong>and</strong> walk around to <strong>the</strong> back of <strong>the</strong> bus to get in. Many blacks were<br />
mistreated by bus drivers who allowed <strong>the</strong>m to pay, <strong>the</strong>n drove off without letting <strong>the</strong>m<br />
get on after <strong>the</strong>y had stepped out to walk to <strong>the</strong> back. By many in <strong>the</strong> black community, it<br />
was called simply <strong>the</strong> "bus situation."<br />
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The "bus situation" could best be confronted, Gray soon concluded, in <strong>the</strong> courtroom<br />
ra<strong>the</strong>r than in <strong>the</strong> sanctuary.<br />
Gray credits Montgomery resident Thelma Glass, ano<strong>the</strong>r boycott supporter, for helping<br />
him chart <strong>the</strong> course to law school.<br />
So did E.D. Nixon, whom Gray often describes as "Mr. Civil Rights," <strong>and</strong> Alabama State<br />
University professor J.E. Pierce.<br />
Gray decided in his junior year of college to pursue a career in law. Gray couldn't attend<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>n-segregated University of Alabama, although he later would argue a case that<br />
opened <strong>the</strong> doors once closed to him.<br />
When he got ready to go to law school, Glass recommended him to go to Case Western<br />
Reserve University in Clevel<strong>and</strong>, Glass said.<br />
So he headed to Clevel<strong>and</strong>. To help pay for school, he worked at "any job that was<br />
available," Gray said, from button factories to dry cleaners. At Case Western, he said, he<br />
studied <strong>the</strong> ins <strong>and</strong> outs of Alabama law, even crafting his papers around <strong>the</strong> subject.<br />
When he returned to Montgomery, he said, he wanted to be ready for <strong>the</strong> state's judicial<br />
system.<br />
"Secretly I said to myself, 'I'm going to come back (to Montgomery) <strong>and</strong> begin<br />
destroying everything segregated I can,'" Gray recalled. "That was my commitment, my<br />
secret commitment, <strong>and</strong> I didn't tell anybody about that for 35 years."<br />
He was admitted to <strong>the</strong> Ohio bar association in 1954 <strong>and</strong> to his home state's bar <strong>the</strong> same<br />
year.<br />
The following year, he got his chance to battle segregation. When Parks was arrested,<br />
Gray already had been <strong>the</strong> attorney for Claudette Colvin, who had been arrested a few<br />
months earlier under similar circumstances.<br />
"That was <strong>the</strong> young lady who really gave all of us <strong>the</strong> courage to do what we later did<br />
when Mrs. Parks" refused to give up her seat, Gray said.<br />
Gray's commitment to winning civil rights cases didn't end with <strong>the</strong> bus boycott. He sued<br />
on behalf of <strong>the</strong> participants in <strong>the</strong> Tuskegee Syphilis Study <strong>and</strong> helped overcome Gov.<br />
George Wallace's st<strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong> schoolhouse door.<br />
155
Jo Ann Robinson<br />
Conducted by PBS<br />
Llew Smith: THE FIRST IS THE WEEKEND OF THE BOYCOTT, AND HOW<br />
PEOPLE—DID YOU REALLY BELIEVE ONCE THE LEAFLETS HAD BEEN SENT<br />
OUT THAT THERE WAS GOING TO BE A BOYCOTT?<br />
Jo Ann Robinson: I was a part of it, I knew <strong>the</strong>re was going to be a boycott.<br />
Llew Smith: THAT'S LESS THAN 30 SECONDS.<br />
[laughter] [unintelligible] Jo Ann Robinson: I was <strong>the</strong> President of <strong>the</strong> Women's Council<br />
<strong>and</strong> we had prepared for this. [laughter]<br />
Llew Smith: OK, HOW ABOUT THE WOMEN'S POLITICAL COUNCIL?<br />
Jo Ann Robinson: The Women's Political Council was an organization that had begun in<br />
1946, after just dozens of black people had been arrested on <strong>the</strong> buses for segregation<br />
purposes. And at that time, <strong>the</strong> black woman <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> white man were <strong>the</strong> freest people in<br />
<strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn states. And we knew that if something hadn't been done by <strong>the</strong> women <strong>the</strong>re<br />
wouldn't be anything done. And we had sat down <strong>and</strong>… <strong>and</strong> witnessed <strong>the</strong> arrests <strong>and</strong><br />
humiliation <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> court trials <strong>and</strong> fines paid, ah, people who just sat down on an empty<br />
seat. And so we knew something had to be done. We organized <strong>the</strong> Women's Council,<br />
<strong>and</strong> oh, within a month's time we had over a hundred members. We organized a second<br />
chapter <strong>and</strong> a third, so we had more than 300 members in that organization. We had<br />
members in every elementary, junior high <strong>and</strong> senior high school. We had <strong>the</strong>m<br />
organized from federal <strong>and</strong>…<strong>and</strong> state <strong>and</strong> um, local jobs, wherever <strong>the</strong>re were more than<br />
10 blacks employed we had a member <strong>the</strong>re <strong>and</strong> we were organized to <strong>the</strong> point that we<br />
knew that in a matter of hours we could corral <strong>the</strong> whole city.<br />
Llew Smith: WHEN YOU LOOK BACK IN HISTORY, IT LOOKS LIKE THE<br />
BOYCOTT WAS A SPONTANEOUS ACT PROVOKED BY THE ARREST OF ROSA<br />
PARKS. WAS IT?<br />
Jo Ann Robinson: It was a spontaneous act from those persons who were not members of<br />
<strong>the</strong> Women's Political Council. But we had worked for at least three years getting that<br />
thing organized. The night that <strong>the</strong>—<strong>the</strong> night of <strong>the</strong> evening that Rosa Parks was<br />
arrested, Fred Gray called me <strong>and</strong> told me she was arrested, she had somebody going her<br />
bail, but her case would be on Monday, <strong>and</strong> I as President of <strong>the</strong> main body of <strong>the</strong><br />
Women's Political Council got on <strong>the</strong> phone <strong>and</strong> I called all <strong>the</strong> officers of <strong>the</strong> three<br />
chapters. I called as many of <strong>the</strong> men who had supported us as possible <strong>and</strong> I told <strong>the</strong>m<br />
that Rosa Parks had been arrested <strong>and</strong> she would be tried. They said, you have <strong>the</strong> plans,<br />
put <strong>the</strong>m into operation. I called every person who was in every school <strong>and</strong> everyplace<br />
where we had planned to be at that house…have somebody at that school or wherever it<br />
was at a certain time that I would be <strong>the</strong>re with materials for <strong>the</strong>m to disseminate. I didn't<br />
go to bed that night. I cut those stencils. I ran off 35,000 of <strong>the</strong> little foyer that you ah,<br />
156
have. And I distributed <strong>the</strong>m. I had classes from 8:00 to 10:00 at <strong>the</strong> college. And at<br />
10:00 I had two senior students who had agreed to go with me. I took <strong>the</strong>m in my car.<br />
The packages were already <strong>the</strong>re. It would take about a half a minute to drive on <strong>the</strong><br />
school campus, <strong>the</strong> kid would be <strong>the</strong>re, in just a minute <strong>the</strong>y would disappear.<br />
Llew Smith: THE MINISTERS WERE MEETING AT THE SAME TIME?<br />
Jo Ann Robinson: The ministers were—ah, not at 10:00. The ministers were meeting that<br />
afternoon, or sometime during <strong>the</strong> day on um High…High Street. They were having <strong>the</strong><br />
International Ministerial ah…Association Meeting. And ah, after we had ah, circulated<br />
those ah, 35,000 circulars, <strong>the</strong>n we went by <strong>the</strong> church. That was about 3:30 in <strong>the</strong><br />
afternoon <strong>and</strong> we took <strong>the</strong>m to <strong>the</strong> ministers. And it was <strong>the</strong>re that <strong>the</strong>y learned <strong>the</strong>re was<br />
to be a boycott <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y agreed to meet at Dr. King's Church, Dexter Avenue, that night<br />
to decide what should be done about <strong>the</strong> boycott after <strong>the</strong> first day. You see <strong>the</strong> Women's<br />
Council planned it only for Monday, <strong>and</strong> it was left up to <strong>the</strong> men to take over after we<br />
had forced <strong>the</strong>m really to decide whe<strong>the</strong>r or not it had been successful enough to<br />
continue, <strong>and</strong> how long it was to be continued.<br />
Llew Smith: HOW DID MOST PEOPLE FOUND OUT ABOUT IT? THE LEAFLETS<br />
WERE DISTRIBUTED—DID THE NEWSPAPER ARTICLES—?<br />
Jo Ann Robinson: We, we had just everything in our favor, because we distributed <strong>the</strong><br />
35,000 copies <strong>and</strong> most of <strong>the</strong> people got <strong>the</strong> message, but <strong>the</strong>re were outlying areas that<br />
didn't get it. And one lone black woman who was so faithful to her white lady as she<br />
called it, went back to work <strong>and</strong> took one of <strong>the</strong>…<strong>the</strong> circulars to this woman so she<br />
would know what <strong>the</strong> blacks had planned. When <strong>the</strong> woman got it, she immediately<br />
called <strong>the</strong> media, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n following that, <strong>the</strong> television, <strong>the</strong> radios, <strong>and</strong> news…<strong>and</strong><br />
evening newspapers, everybody told those persons whom we had not reached, that <strong>the</strong>re<br />
would be <strong>the</strong> boycott. So <strong>the</strong> dye was cast.<br />
Llew Smith: HOW DID THEY GET OUT TO PEOPLE?<br />
Jo Ann Robinson: Ohhh. I mentioned that. I guess I wasn't clear. I took <strong>the</strong>m to school<br />
with me in my car, after I had talked with every member in <strong>the</strong> elementary, junior high<br />
<strong>and</strong> senior high schools to have somebody on <strong>the</strong> campus that I would be <strong>the</strong>re at a<br />
certain time during <strong>the</strong> day <strong>and</strong> deliver <strong>the</strong>m. I taught my classes from 8:00 to 10:00. I<br />
was free from 10:00 to 2:00, <strong>and</strong> when my 10:00 o'clock class was over, I took two senior<br />
students with me <strong>and</strong> I had <strong>the</strong>m in my car, bundled <strong>and</strong> ready to be given out. And I<br />
would drive to <strong>the</strong> place of dissemination. A kid would be <strong>the</strong>re to grab <strong>the</strong>m, disappear.<br />
And I was on <strong>the</strong> campus <strong>and</strong> off, or in <strong>the</strong> front of <strong>the</strong> place or wherever it was, before<br />
anybody knew that I was <strong>the</strong>re. I delivered <strong>the</strong>m in my car, yeah.<br />
Llew Smith: MONDAY, THE DECISION IS MADE TO CONTINUE THE BOYCOTT.<br />
Jo Ann Robinson: Monday night, <strong>the</strong> ministers held <strong>the</strong>ir meeting at Holt Street Baptist<br />
church, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y voted ah, unanimously to continue <strong>the</strong> boycott. And instead of it lasting<br />
one day as <strong>the</strong> Women's Council had planned it, it lasted for 13 months.<br />
157
Llew Smith: WHAT KEPT IT GOING?<br />
Jo Ann Robinson: The spirit, <strong>the</strong> desire, <strong>the</strong> injustices that had been endured by thous<strong>and</strong>s<br />
of people through <strong>the</strong> years. I think that people were fed up, <strong>the</strong>y had reached <strong>the</strong> point<br />
that <strong>the</strong>y knew <strong>the</strong>re was no return, that <strong>the</strong>y had to do it or die. And that's what kept it<br />
going. It was <strong>the</strong> sheer spirit for freedom, for <strong>the</strong> feeling of being a man <strong>and</strong> a woman.<br />
Llew Smith: THERE MUST HAVE BEEN SOME MOMENTS IN THOSE 13 MONTHS<br />
WHEN THE PRESSURE TO BREAK WAS ENORMOUS.<br />
Jo Ann Robinson: Well, I never reached a point where I was sorry. I reached a point<br />
where I was scared. They broke—<strong>the</strong> police broke out my picture window.<br />
They…<strong>the</strong>y…<strong>the</strong> man next door trailed <strong>the</strong>m downtown <strong>and</strong> Mr. Sellers, who was <strong>the</strong><br />
fellows who was <strong>the</strong> Police Commissioner asked that man if he wanted to live when he<br />
followed <strong>the</strong> police <strong>and</strong> told <strong>the</strong>m that <strong>the</strong>y had broken out my window. And when <strong>the</strong><br />
man said yes, he wanted to live, he said, but you go home <strong>and</strong> check your files. They got<br />
away with it. They broke my window. And not too long after that, I had a…a carport, <strong>and</strong><br />
I had my car…it was <strong>the</strong> new Chrysler parked under that carport. I'd never turn my lights<br />
on until I went to bed. I sat up <strong>the</strong>re in <strong>the</strong> dark, <strong>and</strong> many of <strong>the</strong> people from <strong>the</strong> college<br />
sat with me, because <strong>the</strong>y knew I'd been getting a lot of threatening calls. But that<br />
particular night, about two weeks after <strong>the</strong>y had broken my picture window, I heard a<br />
noise on <strong>the</strong> side where my car was, <strong>and</strong> I went <strong>and</strong> looked out <strong>the</strong> window in <strong>the</strong> dark,<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>re were two policemen scattering something on <strong>the</strong> top of my car, on <strong>the</strong> hood of<br />
<strong>the</strong> car. I didn't know what it was. I saw <strong>the</strong>m when <strong>the</strong>y went back <strong>and</strong> got in <strong>the</strong>ir car<br />
<strong>and</strong> drove away. The next morning my car was eaten up with acid. I had holes as large as<br />
a dollar, all over <strong>the</strong>…<strong>the</strong>…<strong>the</strong> top of <strong>the</strong> car, all over <strong>the</strong> hood, or <strong>the</strong> motor, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> side<br />
of <strong>the</strong> car, <strong>and</strong> at first I thought it was a terrible tragedy, but it became to mean a great<br />
significance to me. And I did say, I will say, that after that, it was reported to <strong>the</strong><br />
Governor, <strong>and</strong> Mr. Folsom, <strong>the</strong>n put a State Highway Patrolman on my house, just as he<br />
had Dr. King, Rev. Abernathy <strong>and</strong> Mr. Nixon, <strong>and</strong> that patrol car guarded my house until<br />
<strong>the</strong> boycott was over. It was frightening. That <strong>the</strong>re were many whites who were with us<br />
all <strong>the</strong> way. I used to drive until 12:00 at night in my car, <strong>and</strong> many times <strong>the</strong>re were<br />
white women driving, going to <strong>the</strong> parking lot, you know about <strong>the</strong> parking lot downtown<br />
where it served as <strong>the</strong> interchange for different directions. And those women were<br />
driving, pick those people up. Now at one time when I would get up at maybe 5:00 or<br />
6:00 in <strong>the</strong> morning <strong>and</strong> start driving that I would run into whites with blacks <strong>and</strong> I<br />
thought <strong>the</strong>y were picking up <strong>the</strong>ir maids or those persons who were working for <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
But it turned out that <strong>the</strong>y were <strong>the</strong>re helping those people to get where <strong>the</strong>y were going.<br />
So I would have to say that <strong>the</strong>re were many sympa<strong>the</strong>tic whites who knew that <strong>the</strong><br />
system was wrong <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y were doing what <strong>the</strong>y could to help to correct it.<br />
Llew Smith: BUT WHEN IT CAME WAS THERE A COMMUNITY MEETING TO<br />
GET READY AND —?<br />
Jo Ann Robinson: And rejoicing <strong>and</strong> ah, I told you so's, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> happiness of 13 weary<br />
158
months coming to light again. Yes, that was ah, a meeting, <strong>and</strong> I might mention—Yes,<br />
that ah, we did meet after <strong>the</strong> news came through. And all of <strong>the</strong>se people who had fought<br />
for 13 months got toge<strong>the</strong>r to…to communicate <strong>and</strong> to rejoice <strong>and</strong> to share that ah, built<br />
up emotion <strong>and</strong> all of <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r feelings that <strong>the</strong>y had lived with during <strong>the</strong>, <strong>the</strong> past 13<br />
months. And we just rejoiced toge<strong>the</strong>r.<br />
Llew Smith: E. D. NIXON.<br />
Jo Ann Robinson: E. D. Nixon was one of <strong>the</strong> few black men who was not afraid in<br />
Montgomery. When I went to Alabama State in '49, E. D. Nixon had an organization.<br />
And ah, it tried, but <strong>the</strong>re were very few people who worked with him for <strong>various</strong> reasons<br />
of which I cannot state. But ah, his organization, though he protested individually, it<br />
didn't have too much power behind it because it was small in number. Mr. Lewis also had<br />
an organization, <strong>the</strong> Citizen's Council, but <strong>the</strong> following was not great enough to be of<br />
too much of a threat.<br />
159
The Montgomery Advisor Website:<br />
Additional Montgomery Bus Boycott Web Sources<br />
http://www.montgomeryboycott.com/<br />
Holt Labor Library<br />
http://www.holtlaborlibrary.org/BusBoycott.htm<br />
Alabama State Archives<br />
http://www.archives.alabama.gov/teacher/rights/rights1.html<br />
King Research Institute, Stanford<br />
PBS<br />
http://mlk-kpp01.stanford.edu/index.php/<br />
http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/eyeson<strong>the</strong>prize/story/02_bus.html<br />
Alabama Department of Archives <strong>and</strong> History<br />
http://www.alabamamoments.state.al.us/sec55.html<br />
Troy University<br />
http://montgomery.troy.edu/rosaparks/museum/boycott.html<br />
Independence Hall Association<br />
http://www.ushistory.org/us/54b.asp<br />
City University New York<br />
http://herb.ashp.cuny.edu/items/show/1834<br />
160
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