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ENG LYRIC POETRY.pdf - STIBA Malang

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IRREMEDIABLY DONNE<br />

law, a path designed to produce scholar-courtiers to serve the state in some<br />

official capacity. Writing poetry was thus not simply an art of “recreation” 11 (to<br />

choose the description Donne’s first biographer, Izaak Walton, applies to<br />

Donne’s early verse); it was economically and socially purposeful recreation, as<br />

a number of recent scholars have emphasized. 12 Crucial to the courtier’s<br />

vocation, verse was a way to advertise one’s wares in front of a selective<br />

audience. The literary credo of the Inns of Court, as presented by Donne’s<br />

acquaintance, John Hoskins, in his Directions for Speech and Style (1599?), makes<br />

explicit the common humanist assumption connecting skillful writing and state<br />

service: “Were it an honor to a prince,” Hoskins asks, “to have the majesty of<br />

his embassage spoiled by a careless ambassador?” The rhetorical question<br />

prepares the way for a second and hence the rationale for the Directions with its<br />

epistolary emphasis: “How shall you look for wit from him whose leisure and<br />

whose head (assisted with the examination of his eyes) could yield you no life<br />

and sharpness in his writings?” 13<br />

Donne, satire, and the 1590s<br />

But it is also clear that for a late Elizabethan the modes of self-presentation were<br />

in considerable, if not radical, flux. The generation of poets immediately<br />

preceding Donne—the generation of Sidney and Spenser, who came of age in<br />

the 1580s—was primarily one searching for an ideal: a golden world of pastoral<br />

romance and heroic action was central to their vision, a vision, moreover, that<br />

was pre-eminently courtly if not court-centered, as was the case with the greatest<br />

Elizabethan poem, The Faerie Queene. The work of these two was made available<br />

in print in the early 1590s, and though there was to be only one Faerie Queene<br />

(in two parts, however), the idealizing legacy was continued in the early 1590s<br />

in the spate of sonnet sequences that began to appear shortly after the<br />

publication of Sidney’s Astrophil and Stella in 1591. Samuel Daniel’s Delia was<br />

one of the first to arrive (1592). It was quickly joined by Drayton’s Ideas Mirrour<br />

(1594, tellingly named), Spenser’s Amoretti (1596), and the works of lesser lights<br />

like Bartholomew Griffin (Fidessa, 1596) and William Smith (Chloris, 1596). All<br />

were attempting to use the form to establish their poetic authority with a<br />

particular patron or patroness. And for all, the idealizing mode of the Petrarchan<br />

poem ensured that the poet remained apparently subservient to his mistress, his<br />

noli me tangere whom he pursued in sonnet after sonnet by performing endless<br />

variations on fire and ice, military imagery, sleepless nights, blazons, and radiant<br />

eyes, to say nothing about the odd postures he might assume that signaled his<br />

devotion, whether it was Barnabe Barnes’s wish to be turned into a glove so that<br />

he might range freely over his mistress’s body, or Drayton’s complaint that<br />

unrequited love produced the same pain as an anatomy lesson performed on a<br />

still-breathing criminal.<br />

When Donne began writing in the early 1590s, it was not in but against this<br />

context. Nor was it just against it in the sense of favoring or helping to<br />

4

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