Proceedings of the 6th Annual Meeting of the - Heinrich-Heine ...

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Contents Preface..……………………………...…………………………………………..……………. iii Conference Program….……………………………………………………………………….. v Contents……………………………………………………………………………………….. Ron Artstein ix COORDINATION OF WORD PARTS: A SURFACE LEVEL ACCOUNT……...………………..….….. Richard Breheny 1 NON-DYNAMIC ANALYSES OF ANAPHORIC PRONOUNS: DO THINGS LOOK BETTER IN 2-D?...... Paul Dekker 17 MEANWHILE, WITHIN THE FREGE BOUNDARY………………………………………..……….. 31 Elke Diedrichsen ZU EINER SEMANTISCHEN KLASSIFIKATION DER INTRANSITIVEN HABEN- UND SEIN-VERBEN IM DEUTSCHEN................................................................................................................................. 37 Regine Eckardt SEMANTIC CHANGE IN GRAMMATICALIZATION…………………….…………………………. 53 Wilhelm Geuder, Matthias Weisgerber VERBS IN CONCEPTUAL SPACE…………………………………………………………….…... 69 Daniel Hardt, Maribel Romero ELLIPSIS AND THE STRUCTURE OF DISCOURSE……………………..………………………….. 85 Hermann Helbig THE USE OF MULTILAYERED EXTENDED SEMANTIC NETWORKS FOR MEANING REPRESENTATIONS…………………………………………………………………………….. 99 Klaus von Heusinger RELATIVE SPECIFICITY………………………………………………………….……………... 115 Daniel Hole AGENTIVE SELBST IN GERMAN..................................................................................................... 133 Joris Hulstijn ISSUES AND AWARENESS…………………………………………………….………………… 151 Graham Katz TENSE SELECTION AND THE TEMPORAL INTERPRETATION OF COMPLEMENT CLAUSES………... 169 Ji-yung Kim ADJECTIVES IN CONSTRUCT……..……………………………………………………………... 185 Ilja Kirschbaum METAPHORISCHE UND METONYMISCHE MUSTER DER ADJEKTIV-INTENSIVIERUNG.................... 201 Michael Klein, Hans Kamp INDIVIDUALS AND PREDICATION – A NEUROSEMANTIC PERSPECTIVE………………...………. 217 Marcus Kracht GROUPS AND SHEAVES………………………………………………….……………………... 233 ix
Page 1: Sinn & Bedeutung Proceedings of the
Page 4 and 5: ISSN: 1610-5389 Series title: Publi
Page 7 and 8: Program Sunday, October 07 18.30 -
Page 9: Wedneday, October 10 09.45 - 10.30
Page 13 and 14: COORDINATION OF WORD PARTS: A SURFA
Page 15 and 16: (7) Plurality is represented via a
Page 17 and 18: (15) a. [[dontist]]([[ortho]])=[[or
Page 19 and 20: We start, as before, by noting that
Page 21 and 22: 3.1 Phonology and etymology Before
Page 23 and 24: other hand, Booij gives some exampl
Page 25 and 26: Unfortunately, this proposal fails
Page 27: Booij, Geert (1985). Coordination r
Page 30 and 31: 2 Non-dynamic accounts. Among non-d
Page 32 and 33: (8) [an x: man(x) v sg u(x)](walked
Page 34 and 35: (14) John (manning a cake stall at
Page 36 and 37: If B were to follow up the general
Page 38 and 39: function from contexts to individua
Page 40 and 41: examples: (29) a. John can open Bil
Page 43 and 44: MEANWHILE, WITHIN THE FREGE BOUNDAR
Page 45 and 46: 〈1〉 quantifiers? Now one may tr
Page 47 and 48: Proof. Let F n be reducible so that
Page 49 and 50: ZU EINER SEMANTISCHEN KLASSIFIKATIO
Page 51 and 52: 2 Drei semantische Kriterien für d
Page 53 and 54: sich dabei nur um eine exemplarisch
Page 55 and 56: (9) Verben des Außer-Erscheinung-T
Page 57 and 58: Zustandswechsel ausreicht, um das s
Page 59 and 60: 3.3 Abstraktes In- oder Außer-Ersc
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Das Verb drückt aus, dass die Phas
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4 Fazit In diesen Beitrag ist der V
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SEMANTIC CHANGE IN GRAMMATICALIZATI
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“Was erst neu und selten war, wir
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(19) I am going to like Bill (20) I
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show the composition (I will leave
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(34) can be composed from the liter
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them have the property in the nucle
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hard to offer a plausible measure f
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Meillet, Antoine. 1912. “L’évo
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model. We therefore need a color ci
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As typical features of verb meaning
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Figure 5: Modelling time in ‘topp
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and this would make sense intuitive
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‘to climb over the wall’ b. die
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d. Das Flugzeug sank tiefer. (the p
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We can sum up our result in the fol
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ELLIPSIS AND THE STRUCTURE OF DISCO
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(4) People convinced John to play t
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Agnes arrived S1 S2 AFTER . it’s
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4. *(JJT) [John revised John’s pa
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we look at cases which involve impl
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First, S2 and S3 match semantically
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using another set of propositions (
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THE USE OF MULTILAYERED EXTENDED SE
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• Interoperability. The represent
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Concrete objects [co] Discrete obje
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K-TYPE: • [K-TYPE cat] - categori
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and the corresponding property at t
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• Graphical manipulation and visu
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4.3 LIA - The Workbench for the Com
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Appendix A. Overview of Selected Re
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woman in (6), which has narrow scop
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2.3 Partitive-specificity Milsark (
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Higginbotham (1987, 64) produces th
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Dede (1986, 158) observes that dire
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The following example confirms the
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indefinite NP can get wide or narro
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variables or discourse referents. O
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Bibliography Dede, Müserref 1986.
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AGENTIVE SELBST IN GERMAN* Daniel H
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No such marked structure results fr
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Contrasts as the ones in (7) and (8
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A: Nein, er hat es geschenkt bekomm
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This list is reminiscent of the lis
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ately above VP assigns or, in Minim
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What we see is that the denotation
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other modes of involvement. It shou
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Gülzow, Insa (2001) ‘Der Ausdruc
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ISSUES AND AWARENESS Joris Hulstijn
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Finally, for task oriented dialogue
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The relation ¨ represents an infor
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An information state σ is said to
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3.5 Explicit belief Following Fagin
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¤ ¥ ¢ ¤ ¥ ¢ ¤ ¥ ¢ w¡ ¥
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(5) Which bachelors are unmarried?
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A: (looking in the programme) Agnes
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Ginzburg, Jonathan. 1995. Resolving
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elieve, think, understand and know
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some of the most interesting recent
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(16) Jones1 believes 2 [his1 pants
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In other words, (21a) is true only
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Von Stechow suggested that tenses b
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elieve and the structure would be u
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(45) Fritz expects Arnim to laugh.
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Ogihara, Toshiyuki (1989). Temporal
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I sketch my analysis of CSAs: CSAs
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3.1 CSAs as Construct-State Element
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. *ha- na’ara [ha- yefat eynayim]
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d”’. *na’ara [yefat ha- eynay
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. ha- na’ara [Se eyne -ha yafot]
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5.1 A Syntactic Alternative Inalien
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Further consequences of this propos
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complement to inalienable nouns. On
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e. In der Nacht hatte es unglaublic
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differenziertere Struktur erhält:
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matisieren: (iiia) Nicht-A A 206 GP
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(va) (vb) A aNicht- GPA GPA Nicht-A
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(14) a. Die endlos sich dehnende St
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'irreal'. Heute handelt es sich bei
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daß an dieser Tatsache nicht der g
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INDIVIDUALS AND PREDICATION -ANEURO
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In the light of such reflections wh
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(such as, for instance that of bein
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tion in working memory. In fact, we
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perceptual concepts which two speak
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the street yesterday almost certain
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in a region r can be computed from
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Wennekers, T. and Palm, G. (1997).
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(7) John and Mary got married. (8)
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4 Sheafification We may consider a
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(24) A table or chair was in this r
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PRESUPPOSITION JUSTIFICATION BY ABD
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(3) The king of Burundi is bald. pr
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(12) a. If few mountaineers know th
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econstructed is such that the presu
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2. bindings in H2 and H3 The first
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The following example is a variatio
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4 Conclusion x0 plane(x0) x0 ρ X n
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IS THE GERMAN PERFEKT A PERFECT PER
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time; unlike events, states possess
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espective aspect. Perfect aspect, h
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Construction P is known as stative
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3 Analyses of the Perfekt 3.1 Forme
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may be more AT specifications. If P
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context is not like that. At this p
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argument of tense, time adverbials
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. Er hat noch1 den Arm verbunden. (
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Litvinov, Viktor P., and Vladimir P
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This simple approach is, however, p
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. [the d: my bicycle was d-expensiv
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of a maximality operation does not
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necessity like must, should, etc. h
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(30) 8w’,w” 2 W and for any A 2
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(41) 8w,w’,w*:w’ w w” iffw’
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SIGNALLING GAMES SELECT HORN STRATE
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suggests that the murderer performe
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Parikh wants to account for the fac
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Having fixed the probability and ut
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t t ′ S1 f f S2 f ′ f f f ′ H
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U ∗ 2(t,S,R) = ∑ t ′ ∈St P(
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an explanation of it in terms of th
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probabilities that the receiver ass
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Notice that the expected payoff of
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Our first trial to characterize Hor
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[5] Cho, I. & D. Kreps (1987), ‘S
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PURE MANNER ADVERBS REVISITED Marti
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well as semantically. Thus, (1-2) h
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2.1 Problems for the semantic chara
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(18) a. *Kim loudly had gone home t
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4 A formal Account of PMA A formal
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4.3 The derivation of the readings
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References Bartsch, R. (1972). Adve
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A similar effect of sentence negati
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descriptive content of the declarat
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explicitly. For instance, the same
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The argument DP meets the criterion
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With respect to compositionality, t
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≡ λℜ λx λe [ℜ (λy [(¬)[[
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λQ λxi [∃e [Q (e, xi)]]] PosP [
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(b) MammalsTopic [are WHALES]Focus
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