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World Development Report 1984

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and on farms. But the evidence on education sug- because fertility had started to fall in the late 1960s.<br />

gests that capital-widening-spreading resources This allowed enrollment rates to rise; as the chilover<br />

more and more people-can be counterpro- dren of poor parents were least likely to have been<br />

ductive. enrolled before, the poor probably benefited most<br />

from the spread of education.<br />

SCHOOLING REQUIREMENTS AND CAPITAL WIDEN- For high-fertility countries, the situation could<br />

ING. In industrial countries, school-age popula- not be more different. Countries such as Kenya<br />

tions are expected to grow slowly, if at all, over the face a doubling or tripling of their school-age popnext<br />

two decades (see Figure 5.1). The same is true ulation by the end of the century. The main impliof<br />

those developing countries, such as China, cation is clear. More school-age children require<br />

Colombia, and Korea, where fertility has already more spending on education, even if the objective<br />

fallen substantially. In Colombia, the number of is just to maintain current enrollment rates and<br />

school-age children doubled between 1950 and standards. As most developing countries want to<br />

1970. But it increased only slightly in the 1970s, improve their schools quantitatively and qualitatively,<br />

they will have to generate more national<br />

savings or curtail other investments in, for example,<br />

power and transport. If a country is unwilling<br />

FIGURE 5. orual1 omk hs sciie pnigms<br />

Index of school-age and working-age populations, or unable to make these sacrifices, spending must<br />

selected countries, 1950-2000 be spread over a larger group of school children (to<br />

Index the detriment of the quality of education); other-<br />

(1950=100) wise a growing number of children have to be<br />

700 , excluded.<br />

/t' These awkward choices come after a period of<br />

600 Kenya , considerable progress. Over the past twenty years,<br />

School-age enrollment rates have increased at the primary,<br />

soo population secondary, and university levels in almost all<br />

400 / developing countries. (The enrollment rate is the<br />

400 ," number of students enrolled in schools as a percentage<br />

of the school-age population.) In some<br />

300 Colombia cases, progress has been remarkable. Education<br />

tends to spread as per capita income rises, but<br />

200 Korea some of the lowest-income countries-Sri Lanka,<br />

~h i n a Tanzania, Viet Nam-have already achieved, or are<br />

100 _-S=iR- China/ fast approaching, universal primary education.<br />

Hungary 7"^~v_,,+" ~'~' Such achievements have substantially raised the<br />

1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 fiscal burden of education. For the developing<br />

countries as a group, public spending on educa-<br />

tion increased from 2.3 percent of GNP in 1960 to<br />

Index<br />

(1950=100) 3.9 percent in 1974, and from 11.7 percent to 15.1<br />

600 percent of government budgets. But the propor-<br />

Kenya , tion of GNP allocated to education declined<br />

500 / slightly over the 1970s, as did the share of educa-<br />

Working-age / tion spending in government budgets, especially<br />

400 population ' in South Asia, the Middle East and North Africa,<br />

Colombia and Latin America.<br />

300 - The budgetary downgrading of education, coup-<br />

_-- China led with slower economic growth, has reduced the<br />

200 quality of education in many developing countries.<br />

Hungary One study showed that in Latin America public<br />

100 '-- spending per primary student fell by almost 45<br />

K. percent in real terms between 1970 and 1978. As a<br />

Korea share of educational budgets, spending on non-<br />

84<br />

1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 wage items-chalk, maps, textbooks, and so onfell<br />

in eight out of ten Latin American countries. In

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