World Development Report 1984
World Development Report 1984
World Development Report 1984
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school places, and public health services, they are population growth itself helps to bring about techmore<br />
likely to be penalized by rapid population nological change: in agricultural societies it may<br />
growth. help spur the development of new farming meth-<br />
The chapter does not treat a reduction in the rate ods needed to maintain per capita output. In earof<br />
population growth as a panacea for develop- lier centuries it may even have helped provide the<br />
ment; macroeconomic and sectoral policies matter minimum population required to support a small<br />
at least as much. But it does show that within most religious or artistic elite.<br />
countries, for any given amount of resources, a But throughout the modern technological era,<br />
slower rate of population growth would help to there is no evidence that a large or rapidly growing<br />
promote economic and social development. population has itself been influential in promoting<br />
new technology. The money and research skills<br />
Differences among countries needed for important advances-the Green Revolution,<br />
for example-are overwhelmingly in the<br />
The implications of population growth differ con- rich countries where population growth is slow. If<br />
siderably among developing countries. Countries anything, these advances have brought laborwhere<br />
education levels are already high, where saving, not labor-using, innovations. Although<br />
much investment in transport and communica- adjustment and technical progress can accompany<br />
tions systems is in place, and where political and population growth, slower population growth<br />
economic systems are relatively stable, are well would permit them to raise average incomes all the<br />
equipped to cope with rapid population growth. faster.<br />
This is true whether or not their natural resources<br />
are limited or their countries already "crowded," Macroeconomic effects of rapid<br />
as in the fast-growing East Asian economies such population growth<br />
as Hong Kong, Korea, Singapore, and more<br />
recently Malaysia and Thailand. But these tend In a crude arithmetical sense, differences in popualso<br />
to be countries where population growth is lation growth rates since the 1950s have helped to<br />
now slowing. perpetuate international differences in per capita<br />
Countries with untapped natural resources incomes. Between 1955 and 1980, GNP grew at<br />
could in the long run support more people. But about 4 percent a year in the low-income countries.<br />
rapid population growth makes it hard for them to This growth in general produced modest increases<br />
develop the human skills and administrative struc- in income per person (see Table 5.1). However, in<br />
tures that are needed to exploit their resources. In many of the poorest countries-Bangladesh and<br />
Brazil, Ivory Coast, and Zaire, for example, the most of sub-Saharan Africa-economic activity<br />
development of unused land will require large slowed considerably in the 1970s. Coupled with<br />
complementary investments in roads, public ser- rapid (and in some cases, accelerating) population<br />
vices, and drainage and other agricultural infra- growth, this economic slowdown resulted in stagstructure.<br />
Natural resources are not by themselves nating or declining per capita incomes.<br />
sufficient (or even necessary) for sustained eco- In most middle-income countries GNP growth<br />
nomic growth. has been much faster-between 5 and 6 percent a<br />
Where the amount of new land or other exploit- year-so that even with rapid population growth,<br />
able resources is limited-as in Bangladesh, per capita income grew by about 3 percent a year.<br />
Burundi, China, Egypt, India, Java in Indonesia, Industrial countries achieved only sluggish GNP<br />
* Kenya, Malawi, Nepal, and Rwanda-the short- growth during the 1970s, but their low population<br />
run difficulties are more obvious. In some areas growth-1 percent a year or less-meant that their<br />
crop yields are still relatively low, leaving room for increases in per capita income were in general<br />
rapid growth in agricultural production; in others, almost as large as in the high-growth, middlethe<br />
expansion of manufacturing industry could income countries. These increases came on top of<br />
provide exports to pay for extra food imports. But much higher initial incomes, so that the absolute<br />
both solutions require costly investments, devel- gulf between them and the rest of the world widopment<br />
of new institutions, and numerous eco- ened considerably.<br />
nomic and social adjustments-all easier if popula- The middle-income countries have shown that<br />
tion is growing only slowly. rapid population growth can go hand in hand with<br />
In any society, change becomes easier if technol- substantial gains in per capita income. But the<br />
ogy is advancing rapidly. From one point of view, long-run relation is more complex than that<br />
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