World Development Report 1984
World Development Report 1984
World Development Report 1984
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economic development has been rapid enough to tries, has already fallen considerably. But there are<br />
offset the declining contribution of public health other reasons. Mortality declines affect population<br />
improvements, so life expectancy has gone on ris- growth less when fertility is falling, as is and will<br />
ing steadily. In India in the past decade, however, be the case in most countries. Long-range populapoverty<br />
and illiteracy in rural areas of the north tion growth is less dependent on the addition of<br />
seem to have kept infant mortality high, slowing people whose lives are saved than on the number<br />
any further rise in rural life expectancy despite eco- of children they subsequently bear. When fertility<br />
nomic growth. In Africa slower economic progress is high, saving a baby's life adds a great deal of<br />
(in some countries, even regression) has slowed reproductive potential. To save the lives of an<br />
the rise in life expectancy. Rural mortality tends to infant girl and boy who will go on to have 6 chilexceed<br />
urban mortality, so a slightly slower pace of dren is to add those people plus (perhaps) their 36<br />
urbanization in the late 1970s may also have grandchildren, 216 great grandchildren, and so on.<br />
slowed progress against mortality. By contrast, the But as fertility declines, so does the amount of<br />
remarkable gain in life expectancy in China-from extra reproductive capacity. The infant girl who<br />
forty-one in 1960 to an estimated sixty-seven in survives, grows up, and gives birth to 3 instead of<br />
1982-shows what can be achieved, even by a 6 children has 27 rather than 216 great grandlargely<br />
rural society, through a combination of children (assuming that each of her children will<br />
education, income gains, and a strong health care follow her pattern). Furthermore, as mortality<br />
program. declines, more and more deaths are shifted from<br />
For the future, increasing life expectancy seems younger to older ages. To extend the life of somelikely<br />
to depend more than ever on improved liv- one sixty years old is to keep the population just<br />
ing conditions, education for women, and better one person larger than it would otherwise be, not<br />
health care for the poor. Three indicators lend sup- to boost it by that person plus descendants.<br />
port to this view. In addition, as Chapter 6 will indicate, lower<br />
* Mortality from diarrhea in the developing mortality contributes directly to lower fertility. For<br />
world is two to three times higher than it was in the individual family, fewer deaths usually mean<br />
today's developed countries when overall mortal- fewer births (though the net effect is a somewhat<br />
ity levels were similar. Diarrhea is a disease of the larger family on average). Finally, because further<br />
poor, primarily of poor children. It accompanies mortality declines depend more than before on<br />
malnutrition and is exacerbated by poor sanitation, progress in women's education and on improved<br />
lack of elementary health services, and lack of the living conditions and health care, programs that<br />
basic education that might allow parents to take reduce mortality are likely to reduce fertility as<br />
the necessary precautions to prevent it. well.<br />
* Infant and child mortality, the major contributors<br />
to low life expectancy in developing countries, Demographic prospects and goals<br />
are closely linked to economic and social welfare.<br />
In Latin America infant and child mortality rates Demographic projections should not be treated as<br />
are five times greater among children whose moth- forecasts. The purpose in making projections is to<br />
ers have no schooling than among those with illustrate what the future could be, given certain<br />
mothers having ten or more years of schooling. assumptions. It is the assumptions that determine<br />
* In countries with life expectancy higher than whether the projections will match reality. Some<br />
might be expected from their average incomes- projections have been wide of the mark; for exam-<br />
Costa Rica, Cuba, Korea, and Sri Lanka-income ple, the size and duration of the baby boom after<br />
tends to be more equally distributed than in other 1945 in the United States was unexpected. But<br />
developing countries. Illiteracy is also lower and since the 1950s, when the United Nations began<br />
health services more widespread. producing systematic projections of world population,<br />
demographers have done well in predicting<br />
7. Further declines in mortality rates will boost popu- future trends. In 1963 the United Nations prolation<br />
growth much less from now on than they did in jected a 1980 population of 4.3 billion, only a shade<br />
the 1950s and 1960s. off the 4.4 billion suggested by the latest estimates,<br />
For most of the developing world, the time when and projections of world population in the year<br />
declining mortality produced surges in population 2000 have hardly changed since 1963.<br />
is passing rapidly. In part this is because mortality, But projections for particular regions and counthough<br />
still high compared with developed coun- tries have varied. The 1980 UN projection for<br />
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